Jenkins v. State Board of Elections of North Carolina | Cases | Westlaw

Jenkins v. State Board of Elections of North Carolina | Cases | Westlaw

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Jenkins v. State Board of Elections of North Carolina

Supreme Court of North Carolina.October 13, 1920180 N.C. 169104 S.E. 34614 A.L.R. 1247 (Approx. 9 pages)

Jenkins v. State Board of Elections of North Carolina

Supreme Court of North Carolina.October 13, 1920180 N.C. 169104 S.E. 34614 A.L.R. 1247 (Approx. 9 pages)

180 N.C. 169
Supreme Court of North Carolina.
JENKINS
v.
STATE BOARD OF ELECTIONS OF NORTH CAROLINA ET AL.
Nos. 259, 260.
Oct. 13, 1920.

Attorneys and Law Firms

*347 W. P. Bynum, R. C. Strudwick, and S. S. Alderman, all of Greensboro, for appellant.
Attorney General Manning and Assistant Attorney General Nash, for appellees.

Opinion

BROWN, J.
The prayer of the complaint is that the defendants be enjoined from printing and distributing the forms required by the provisions of the Act of 1917 and 1919, and from carrying out any of the provisions of said acts upon the ground that they are unconstitutional and void. This legislation is known as the Absentee Voters Law, being chapter 23, Public Laws 1917, re–enacted and brought forward in article 8, c. 95, of the Consolidated Statutes of North Carolina as amended by chapter 322, Public Laws 1919. It is claimed that the law is unconstitutional because it is repugnant to art. 6, sec. 2, and art. 6, sec. 6, of the state Constitution.
Section 2 provides that the voters shall have resided in the state for two years, in the county six months, and in the precinct, ward, or other election district, in which he offers to vote, four months next preceding the election. Section 3 declares that every person offering to vote shall be at the time a legally registered voter.
Section 6 declares that all elections by the people shall be by ballot and all elections by the General Assembly shall be viva voce.
The question presented and ably argued by the learned counsel on both sides is one of grave importance to the consideration of which we have given the most careful study. It is never wise for the judiciary to disregard the organic law which the people in their sovereign capacity have seen fit to adopt for the security of public and private rights. No rule of construction is better settled, both upon principle and authority, than that legislative enactments are presumed to be constitutional until the contrary is shown. It is only when they plainly conflict with some provision of the Constitution that they should be declared void. The power of declaring laws unconstitutional should always be exercised with extreme caution, and every doubt resolved in favor of the statute. As has been well said, these rules are founded on the best of reasons, because, while the supreme judicial power may interfere to prevent the legislative and other departments from exceeding their powers, no tribunal has yet been devised to check the encroachments of the judicial power itself. Twitchell v. Blodgett, 13 Mich. 151; Sharpless v. Mayor of Philadelphia, 21 Pa. 162, 59 Am. Dec. 759.
It is not contended that there is any provision of the federal Constitution which in any way interferes with the power of the Legislature of this state to enact the laws which are attacked by the plaintiff. Therefore it is properly conceded that the acts in question constitute a valid exercise of legislative power unless they contravene our state Constitution.
Somewhat similar statutes, known as Absent Voters Acts, have been enacted in some 30–odd states of this Union. In some of the states, the law applies only to those absent from their county or precinct but still within the state. The laws of 21 states allow voting blanks to be filled out and mailed to the proper state officers from anywhere in the United States. It is needless to refer to the varying provisions of these statutes. They vary in the procedure prescribed, but in the main they provide for the casting and reception of ballots at the places where the absent electors are and for the return of the ballots to, and the counting and canvassing by the proper election officials of, the respective counties of which they are residents. Some of these statutes refer exclusively to voters who are absent in the military or naval service of the United States. Some statutes have been held unconstitutional on the ground that they violate constitutional provisions designating the place of holding elections and requiring an elector to vote in the district or precinct in which he resides. These statutes have been decided constitutional by the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States so far as they affect the election of members of that body. Baldwin v. Trobridge, 2 Bartl. Cont. Election Cases, 46.
It is held that it is clearly within the province of a state Legislature to enact statutes of this description if the state Constitution is silent on the place of voting. Morrison v. Springer, 15 Iowa, 304; Lehman v. McBride, 15 Ohio St. 573; State v. Main, 16 Wis. 398.
The plaintiff contends that the statute violates the provision of our Constitution which provides that elections by the people shall be by ballot, arguing that this means a secret ballot in all elections. We admit that voting by ballot, as distinguished from viva voce voting, means a secret voting, and that the elector in casting his ballot has the right to put it in the box and to refuse to disclose for whom he voted, and that he cannot be compelled to do so. But this privilege of voting a secret ballot has been held to be entirely a personal one. The provision has been generally adopted in this country for the protection of the voter and for the preservation of his independence, in the exercise of this most important franchise. But he *348 has the right to waive his privilege and testify to the contents of his ballot. The voter has the right at the time of voting voluntarily to make public his ballot, and its contents in such case may be proven by the testimony of those who are present. Public policy requires that the veil of secrecy shall be impenetrable unless the voter himself voluntarily determines to lift it. Boyer v. Teague, 106 N. C. 625, 11 S. E. 665, 19 Am. St. Rep. 547; McRary on Elections (3d Ed.) 305, 306; Crolly, Con. Lim. (7th Ed.) 912.
A secret ballot is not compulsory so far as the voter is concerned, for our statute provides that the ballot may be deposited for the voter by the registrar, or by one of the judges of election, or by the voter himself if he so chooses. Con. Stat. 5979.
We think the position that the statute conflicts with section 6, art. 6, is untenable.
We will consider the other contention of the plaintiff that the statute is repugnant to section 2 of the said article. The statute provides that in all primaries and elections, any elector who may be absent from the county in which he is entitled to vote, or physically unable to attend for the purpose of voting in person, etc., shall be allowed to vote as hereinafter provided. The statute then provides that no one shall vote who is not duly registered and qualified to vote under the laws of the state. It provides for sending out blank certificates and envelopes for absent voters. It also provides that the registrar shall hold the said letters unopened until 3 p. m. on the day of election, and that he shall then open the envelopes received from such absent voters, and that such votes, if found to be regular, shall be deposited and counted in the same manner as if the voter had been present in person. Section 5 of the act provides that––
“The right to vote of any such absent voter shall be subject to challenge in the same manner as if the elector proposing to vote were present in person, and if found entitled to vote under the provisions of this act and the laws of the state, every such vote so received shall be deposited and counted in the same manner as if the voter had been present and cast his vote in person.”
It is contended that the words “in which he offers to vote” in section 2, and the words “every person offering to vote” in section 3, necessarily implied that the voter must be present in person at the polls and tender his ballot. This position was maintained by counsel for plaintiff with much force, and we must admit that the question is perplexing and involved in doubt. But we think the language of the Constitution is susceptible of a fair interpretation which will sustain the statute, in which case it is our duty to uphold it and give to the law the benefit of the doubt. The party who undertakes to pronounce a law unconstitutional takes upon himself the burden of proving beyond any reasonable doubt that it is so. Nothing should have the effect of avoiding a statute duly enacted but a direct collision between its provisions and the Constitution. That collision is not so clear as to justify us in setting aside a statute which is the law in a majority of the states of the Union, and so far as we can find has not been contested in recent years.
The statute was enacted in 1917, and its primary purpose was to enable our soldiers to case their votes by mailing them to the proper officials. The soldiers and sailors, who are absent from home in the country's cause, are not disfranchised citizens, and their right to exercise the elective franchise should be preserved, and the ways and means provided.
We admit this question has been decided against our view in the case of Twitchell v. Blodgett, 13 Mich. 127, and upon language similar to that used in our Constitution. But in that case there is a very powerful dissenting opinion by Chief Justice Martin, in which he holds that the words used do not require the personal presence of the elector at the polls. In that opinion the learned judge forcibly says:
“Can we, upon any sound judicial principle, hold that an election in the army is any the less a legal one, or the soldiers less entitled to the privileges of electors, than persons remaining at their homes, if the Legislature is endowed with the power to fix the place and prescribe the manner of balloting and of canvassing votes? I think not.”
The judge again says:
“If a viva voce vote were allowed, it would be impossible to avoid the conclusion that the framers of the Constitution intended that votes should be cast personally and not otherwise; but a ballot may be deposited as the Legislature sees fit to authorize.”
The fact that this law originated from extraordinary emergency, and was not contemplated by the framers of the Constitution, can make no difference. If the power resides in the legislators they may exercise it and apply it to all voters, whether soldiers or not. A power not limited or withheld abides in the people, and in such case the Legislature, like Parliament, is omnipotent.
The case of Bourland v. Hildreth, 26 Cal. 162, cited by plaintiff, is not a direct authority against our views. The Constitution of California, as held in that case, not only prescribes the qualifications of electors, but also the place within which the act of voting shall be performed, and it cannot be performed elsewhere. But the value of that case as an authority is greatly weakened by the strong dissenting opinion of Chief *349 Justice Sanderson, generally acknowledged to be a very great judge.
The case of Chase v. Miller, 41 Pa. 404, differs very materially from the one under consideration. The substance of that decision, as we read it, was that under the Constitution of Pennsylvania the right of a soldier to vote is confined to and must be exercised in the election district where he resided when he entered the military service, and that the Legislature could not authorize a military commander to form an election district and hold an election therein.
The election laws which attempted to confer the right of suffrage upon federal soldiers absent on military service, and which were passed upon in some of cases cited, are wholly unlike in principle, as well as in detail, the North Carolina Absent Voters Act. Judge Woodward thus describes these laws in above–cited case:
“It permits the ballot box, according to the court below, to be opened anywhere, within or without our state, with no other guards than such as commanding officers, who may not themselves be voters, nor subject to our jurisdiction, may choose to throw around it; and it invites soldiers to vote where the evidence of their qualifications is not at hand; and where our civil police cannot attend to protect the legal voter, to repel the rioter, and to guard the ballots after they have been cast.”
The Connecticut and New Hampshire cases, cited by plaintiff, plainly have no bearing on this controversy. Their Constitutions recognized, and we believe still recognize, the Old New England electors' meeting. The right of suffrage was conferred upon those present and voting at the meeting. This meeting is commonly called a town meeting, and is a very ancient institution in some of the New England states. The history of these meetings is given in the Connecticut case. Opinion of Judges, 30 Conn. 591; Opinion of Justices, 44 N. H. 633. These cases all dealt with statutes of certain states of the United States engaged in the Civil War, conferring the privilege of voting upon their soldiers then absent in the army. The votes were to be cast without any registration at the camps in which they were located; they were collected by certain designated officers, to be sent to a state officer and by him distributed among the various localities of the state. Our Absentee Voters Act is a very different enactment. No one can vote under it unless he is reg istered and is otherwise a qualified voter. The elector must select his ballots and fill up and sign the form sent him, and seal them up in an envelope sent for the purpose. It must be addressed to proper official, and opened by him at 3 p. m. of election day. Every safeguard is provided to prevent fraud or mistake. These laws are a very great public convenience, and serve a very useful purpose, or they would not have been adopted in 33 states of the Union. They have been sustained by the highest courts of Iowa (15 Iowa, 304), Ohio (15 Ohio State, 573) and Wisconsin (16 Wis. 398).
Passing to a consideration of the text of our Constitution, we think the context of article 6 indicates that the personal presence of the voter is not required in order to cast his ballot. An offer to vote may be made in writing, and that is what the absent voter does when he selects his ballots and attaches his signature to the form and mails the sealed envelope to proper official. The section requires only that he must make that offer in the precinct where he has resided, etc. We see no reason why an offer to vote may not be made in writing as well as by word of mouth. An offer to buy or sell may be made in writing, and why not an offer to vote? There is nothing immoral in such transaction, and it violates no principle of public policy.
That the Constitution makers did not mean that the words “offer to vote” should necessarily imply the personal presence of the voter is indicated by section 4. In that section the language is “every person presenting himself for registration.” Those words plainly require the personal presence of the voter. If the personal presence of the voter had been required by section 2, those who framed the article could easily have used the words “in which he presents himself to vote.” Such language would have put the meaning beyond doubt. At the time that section of the Constitution was adopted in 1900, absentee voting laws had been passed in many states, and in a few cases they had been before the courts for construction. The convention doubtless had knowledge of them, and did not deem it advisable to preclude the General Assembly in its discretion from enacting such statute whenever it was deemed wise to do so.
An act of the General Assembly should not be set aside by implication. A constitution should not receive a technical construction, as if it were an ordinary instrument or statute. It should be interpreted so as to carry out the general principles of the government and not defeat them. In the language of Chief Justice Gibson, cited in Twitchell v. Blodgett, supra:
“When we construe a constitution by implication of such rigor and inflexibility as to defeat the legislative regulations, we not only violate accepted principles of interpretation, but we destroy the rights which the Constitution intended to guard.”
Affirmed.
CLARK, C. J. (concurring).
The plaintiffs contend:
I. That the statute violates the Constitution, which contemplates a secret ballot. *350 The Constitution (article 6, § 6), in providing that all elections by the General Assembly shall be viva voce, and that all elections by the people shall be by ballot, intended that voting in the Legislature should be open and known to all men that the people might have a check upon the actions of their servants, and that voting by the people should be in secret, to the end that the humblest voter shall express his will uninfluenced and unintimidated, for he is responsible only to himself, while the members of the Legislature are the agents of, and accountable to, the people for the discharge of their duty in voting. The secrecy of the ballot, however, is a privilege that is entirely personal to the voter, which he can waive. Boyer v. Teague, 106 N. C. 625, 11 S. E. 665, 19 Am. St. Rep. 547; McRary on Elections (3d Ed.) pp. 305, 306. The voter himself can voluntarily waive this privilege. Cooley, Cons. Lim. (7th Ed.) p. 912. Sending the ballot by mail is a waiver of this privilege. This is a matter for the voter, and the officer is authorized to receive it for Rev. § 4343 (C. S. § 5979), expressly provides:
“The ballot may be deposited for the voter by the registrar, or one of the judges of election, or the voter may deposit it if he chooses.”
II. The plaintiffs also contend that the Constitution requires that the voter must be present in person when he “offers to vote.” The Legislature provides that this can be done by mail, and this is not forbidden by the Constitution, which requires that the voter must “present” himself, that is, his personal attendance for registration, but does not require this for voting.
III. It was denied by President Jefferson, President Jackson, and those who have followed their views that the courts have the power to declare legislation invalid in any case except when, as is provided in the United States Constitution, art. 6, § 12, state legislation conflicts with the supremacy of some provision of the federal Constitution, or statutes enacted under the authority of the same. But even those who hold that there is an implied power of the courts to hold any legislation unconstitutional, have always conceded that this power could not be exercised except where the unconstitutionality is “clear beyond a reasonable doubt.” Ogden v. Sanders, 12 Wheat. 213, 6 L. Ed. 606; Cooley, Cons. Lim. (7th Ed.) 254.
This presumption of the constitutionality of this act cannot be overcome, in view of the fact that in 43 of the states out of the 48 there are statutes which in some form confer the right on absentees to vote. In our own state, and in probably all the states, north and south, such right was conferred upon our soldiers during the Civil War, and it is a historical fact that by virtue of the vote thus cast by the soldiers, Zebulon B. Vance was elected Governor of this state in 1862 and Abraham Lincoln was re–elected President in 1864. The method of absentee voting enacted at that time by this state, and by most others, authorized the soldiers to cast their ballots out of the state, in elections to be held by officials who may or may not have been citizens of the state, and without the safeguards of registration or challenge, and the votes were sent usually to some state officer for distribution to the various precincts where the voters were entitled to vote. This gave wide latitude for abuse and irregularity; and, as pointed out in the opinion of the court in this case, the few opinions which held such absentee voting invalid were based upon such reasons.
The statute of the state now in question, and probably all those in force in other states, have avoided these objections by various requirements, such as the due registration of the voter and the authentication of his ballot by a notary public, postmaster, or other officer and the sending of his ballot himself in a sealed envelope direct to the registrar and the judges of election of the precinct where he is entitled to vote, to be opened by them at a given hour on the day of election (in this state at 3 p. m.), and to be placed by them in the ballot box as requested, which last was authorized as long ago as Laws 1901, c. 89, § 24. Rev. § 4343, now C. S. § 5979.
The real gravamen and basis of this proceeding is the statement in the plaintiff's brief, admitting that––
“The Absentee Voter's Law was undoubtedly passed for the meritorious purpose of allowing our soldiers absent in the great war to vote. The soldiers are at home, and the meritorious purpose is past. The statute remains, shorn of its meritorious features, and divested of every safeguard which might prevent it from becoming an instrument in aid of fraud and illegal voting.”
In a country like ours, whose government is based avowedly upon the “consent of the governed,” a full and free declaration of that will, and its return as cast, is of the utmost importance. Any tampering therewith by any method whatever, whether by bribery, intimidation, voting illegally, making fraudulent returns, or any other misconduct on the part of election officials, voters, or any others, is made punishable severely by our statutes (C. S. §§ 4185–4199), some of these offenses being made felonies and others misdemeanors, and the same is true in other states, some of which have the further safeguards of voting machines and the Australian ballot.
Our statute empowering absentees to vote was first enacted (Laws 1917, c. 23) to authorize “any elector who may be absent from the county in which he is entitled to vote” to fill in his ballot on blank certificates, and *351 return in envelopes, furnished by the state board of elections to the county boards, and by the latter sent to the absent voter. The statute was extended (Laws 1919, c. 322), to include any elector who is “physically unable, for the purpose of voting in person, to attend, which fact should be made to appear by certificate of a physician or by affidavit.”
All the provisions in regard to the voting of absent electors will be found in C. S. §§ 5960–5969, which throws around the exercise of the privilege every safeguard against fraudulent abuse by impersonation of voters or in any other manner. Even if the act gave additional opportunity for fraud, this would not make it unconstitutional, but would address itself to the Legislature, either to make the legislations more strict, or to repeal the statute; but it is not to be presumed that the General Assembly of this state would enact a statute calculated to increase the opportunities of fraud at elections, nor that such measure would so commend itself to the general intelligence that 43 states should have enacted similar legislation. In truth, it diminishes the opportunities for fraud, as the ballots are sent in by the absent voters, and are subject to challenge, and are kept on file for six months. They are authenticated by the signatures of the voters, thus giving the fullest opportunity of indictment for any fraud.
While there are a few decisions against the legality of the acts passed during the Civil War, which restricted the voting of absentees to soldiers, and permitted polls to be opened in camp, the decisions as to the present method have been in favor of its constitutionality. Morrison v. Springer, 15 Iowa, 304; Lehman v. McBride, 15 Ohio St. 573; State v. Main, 16 Wis. 398. Probably the only decision to the contrary has been in California, to cure which the Legislature has submitted an amendment to the Constitution, which will be voted on at the general election next month. The federal House of Representatives has held these statutes constitutional so far as they affect the election of members of that body. Baldwin v. Trobridge, 2 Bartl. Cont. Election Cases, 46.
The ordinance allowing the North Carolina soldiers to vote in camp (which is a type of acts passed by the Southern States generally) was enacted in June, 1861, by the state Convention, which was admittedly one of the ablest bodies ever assembled in the state, and contained many of the foremost lawyers of North Carolina. Its constitutionality was never questioned by any one, though the Constitution then in force required the elector “to vote in the county where he resides.”
The “Absentee Voters” statutes have been passed in this state (and in nearly all others), not for the purpose of giving opportunity for fraud in elections, which would be inconceivable, and to assert the contrary would be a libel on public opinion throughout the country, which demands fair elections and an honest return of the votes as cast. These statutes have been enacted for the purpose of procuring a fuller expression of the public will at the ballot box. In North Carolina, we rarely have secured a vote cast of more than 70 per cent. of the eligible white voters in the state; the other 30 out of every 100 eligible white voters being absent by reason of indifference or detained by work or business or illness or physical disability. In Philadelphia 60 per cent. of the possible vote is the average vote cast, which is about the average throughout the country. In Virginia 40 per cent. of the possible total is the average vote cast, and in Mississippi (where the primary is the real election) only 10 per cent. of the full vote is cast. The system of absentee voting which originated in behalf of the soldiers who it was felt should not be disfranchised by reason of their absence in the discharge of duty, received a strong impulse from the action of the Travelers' Protective Association, who urged that they should not be deprived of the franchise while traveling as commercial agents. Nor should any one be deprived of the franchise by reason of temporary or permanent physical disability. This legislation, intended for fuller expression of public opinion at the ballot box, and carefully guarded in its exercise by statutes in all the states, should not be misconceived as an invitation to fraud.
As a proof of the widespread demand and need for such legislation, the following memorandum of the statutes in the different states is appended.
States having absentee voting laws: Alabama––1919, Act 620. Arkansas––1917, Act 175; 1919, Act 403. Arizona––1918, Sp. Sess. c. 11. California––1917, c. 710; Res. 64. Colorado––1915, c. 76. Connecticut––1918, Sp. Sess. c. 1 (military). Delaware––Sp. Sess. 1919, c. 4 (registration). Florida––1917, c. 7380. Georgia––1918, No. 335 (military). Idaho––1917, c. 142. Illinois––1917, p. 434; 1917, p. 440 (military). Indiana––1917, c. 100; 1919, cc. 156, 170 (counting ballots). Iowa––1915, Code Supp. c. 3b, tit. 6, amended 1917, c. 419. Kansas––1919, c. 189; 1913, c. 194 (military). Kentucky––1915, Carroll's St. § 1456 et seq.; 1918, c. 37. Louisiana––1917, Act 34 (military); 1918, Act 272; Id. Act 264 (registration). Maryland––1918, c. 20 (Const. Amend.); Id. c. 78 (military). Massachusetts––1918, cc. 293, 295 (military). Michigan––1915, Act 270; 1917, Act 203, c. 12, p. 427; 1919, Act 45. Minnesota––1916, Sp. Sess. c. 2 (military), Gen. St. Supp. 1917, §§ 536––14 to 536––27; 1917, cc. 68, 120 (Gen. St. Supp. 1917, §§ 536––1 to 536––13). Mississippi––1917, Ex. Sess. c. 35, amended 1918, c. 184. Missouri––1917, pp. 274, 276 (military); 1917, p. 287; *352 1919, p. 763. Montana––1917, c. 155; 1918, c. 18 (military). Nebraska––1913, c. 200; 1917, c. 177; 1918, c. 1; 1919, c. 7. North Carolina––1917, c. 23; 1919, c. 322. North Dakota––1913, c. 155; 1918, Sp. Sess. c. 6 (military). New Hampshire––1917, c. 95 (military). New Jersey––1918, c. 150. New York––1918, c. 298; 1919, Con. Res. p. 1791 (Const. Amend.). Ohio––1917, p. 52. Oklahoma––1916, c. 25, amended 1919, c. 88; 1917, c. 157, amended 1919, c. 65 (military). Oregon––1919, c. 361; Id. S. J. R. No. 23, p. 835 (Const. Amend.) Rhode Island––1918, c. 1610 (registration); chapter 1657 (military). Res. No. I, p. 278. (Const. Am.); South Carolina––1918, No. 574 (military). South Dakota––1913, c. 200; 1917, c. 233; 1918, Sp. Sess. cc. 45, 46; 1919, c. 189. Tennessee––Pub. Laws 1917, c. 104; Pub. Laws 1919, c. 71 (registration). Utah––1919, c. 42, p. 102; Vermont––1919, No. 7 (military). Virginia––1916, c. 369. Washington––1917, c. 159. West Virginia––1917, 2d Ex. Sess. c. 13, Code Supp. 1918, c. 3, being sections 138a–138o (military); 1919, c. 100. Wisconsin––1915, c. 461; Amended 1915, c. 604; 1916, Sp. Sess. c. 1; 1918, Sp. Sess. c. 16 (military); 1917, c. 570. Wyoming––1915, c. 102. In several of these states the electors can also register by mail.

All Citations

180 N.C. 169, 104 S.E. 346, 14 A.L.R. 1247
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