State ex rel. Lamb v. Cunningham | Cases | Westlaw

State ex rel. Lamb v. Cunningham | Cases | Westlaw

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State ex rel. Lamb v. Cunningham

Supreme Court of Wisconsin.October 7, 189283 Wis. 9053 N.W. 3517 L.R.A. 14535 Am.St.Rep. 27 (Approx. 62 pages)

State ex rel. Lamb v. Cunningham

Supreme Court of Wisconsin.October 7, 189283 Wis. 9053 N.W. 3517 L.R.A. 14535 Am.St.Rep. 27 (Approx. 62 pages)

83 Wis. 90
Supreme Court of Wisconsin.
STATE EX REL. LAMB
v.
CUNNINGHAM, SECRETARY OF STATE.
Oct. 7, 1892.
*36 The other facts fully appear in the following statement by CASSODAY, J.:
This action was commenced in this court for the purpose of perpetually enjoining and restraining the defendant, as secretary of state, and his successors in office, from publishing and continuing to publish a copy of the notices of election of members of the senate and assembly in a newspaper printed at Madison, once in each week from the date of such notice until the general election, describing the several legislative districts in such notice, the same as attempted to be created by the act of July 2, 1892, and also from filing and preserving in his office certificates of nomination and nomination papers, and from certifying to the several county clerks in the state the names and descriptions of the persons nominated for such legislative offices, as specified in such certificates of nomination, and for other relief.
The complaint, in effect, alleges the census of 1890 in the state and the several counties, towns, and wards in the state, and in the several senate and assembly districts so attempted to be created by said act of July 2, 1892, as will more particularly appear from Exhibits A and B, showing such senate and assembly districts and the population, annexed; and also alleging that the assembly unit under said census was 16,868, and for the senate district 51,117; and alleging the several provisions of said act, wherein it is claimed that the same were in violation of the constitution of this state,1 and particularly as to the 9th, 10th, 12th, 14th, 17th, 20th, 27th, 29th, and 31st senate districts; and also alleging, in effect, that more than one half of the assembly districts of the state, as formed by said act, had been so formed in disregard and in gross violation of the constitutional requirements; and alleging facts particularly as to the following assembly districts: The one composed of Florence, Forest, and Oneida counties, containing only 8,626 inhabitants; the one composed of Langlade county, with only a population of 9,465; the one composed of Price and Taylor counties, with a population of only 11,989; the one composed of the city of Janesville, with a population of only 10,836, while other counties therein alleged contain very much more than the unit of poulation. That it is also alleged therein that in several of the counties of the state entitled to more than one member of assembly the said act attempts to create the assembly districts therein without regard to substantial equality of representation in proportion to population as between said districts, and so that they do not consist of contiguous territory, and are not in as compact form as practicable, where conformity to the constitutional requirement in that behalf would also secure said equality of representation as between said districts; and particularly points out such discrepancies in respect to the counties of Columbia, Brown, Grant, Rock, Racine, Walworth, Waupaca, Eau Claire, Chippewa, La Crosse, Waukesha, Sheboygan, Outagamie, Dane, Winnebgo, Marathon, and Fond du Lac. That Vernon, with a population of 25,111, was entitled to two members.
It appears from the record that August 1, 1892, the said relator, as a citizen of Dane county, applied to the attorney general of the state to move in this court for leave to bring an action in the name of the state against the said secretary to enjoin him from carrying into execution the said act of July 2, 1892, on the ground of the unconstitutionality of the same, and at the same time presented to him a petition setting forth substantially the facts so alleged in said complaint. That August *37 5, 1892, the said relator served upon the attorney general a proposed complaint in such action, alleging substantially the matters contained in the complaint herein, and requesting him to commence the same. That August 9, 1892, and on notice to the attorney general, the said relator applied to this court for leave to commence and prosecute such action. That thereupon the attorney general appeared in this court, and made a statement respecting the same, and, among other things, said, in effect, that he had not, and did not then, refuse to bring said action, nor refuse to ask leave to bring it; and asked further time to investigate the questions involved in said petition, so as to enable him intelligently to determine what course he should pursue; and that he was forced to ask for such further time by reason of the excessive duties of his office, and circumstances over which he could have no control. That thereupon the court ordered, in effect, that unless the attorney general commenced such action before August 19, 1892, leave to commence which was thereby granted, the said petitioner and relator herein had leave to commence and prosecute the same in this court in the name of the attorney general, on giving bond to the state in the sum of $500, to be approved by a justice of this court, to indemnify the state against the costs of the action; and further ordered that in either case the secretary of state may answer to the complaint within 20 days after the same should be so served upon him. That August 18, 1892, the said attorney general filed in this court a paper to the effect that he deemed it his duty to decline to commence said suit in this court to test the validity of the said act of July 2, 1892, upon the relation of said petitioner or otherwise, and therein expressly refused his “consent to have such suit brought or conducted in the name of his office as attorney general.” That thereupon, and on August 19, 1892, the said relator filed the bond, duly approved by a justice of this court, as required by the order mentioned, and served the summons and said complaint in this action upon the defendant. That September 8, 1892, the defendant, by his attorney, demurred to the complaint, on the ground that it appeared upon the face thereof (1) “that the court has no jurisdiction of the subject of the action; (2) that the plaintiff has not legal capacity to sue, in this: that the said relator has not the right to sue in the name of the state upon the alleged cause of action; (3) that there is a defect of parties, in that the attorney general of the state of Wisconsin is the officer required by law to prosecute the action aforesaid, and no cause of action is shown to exist in favor of the said relator.” That on the same day the attorney general, for the defendant, served upon the attorney for the relator a notice to the effect: “Please take notice that on Tuesday, the 20th day of September, inst., at the opening of the court on that day, or as soon thereafter as counsel can be heard, the above–named defendant, by the undersigned, his attorney, will move the said supreme court, at the supreme court room in the capitol at Madison, for an order vacating and setting aside the order of said court granted ex parte on August 9, 1892, giving leave to the said relator to commence and prosecute this action,––reference being had thereto forits terms,––and dismissing this action, and for such other or further order as may be proper; and also to vacate and set aside said order of August 9, 1892, giving the relator leave to commence and prosecute this action, and to dismiss the same.” That thereupon, and on September 8, 1892, the plaintiff served notice upon the attorney for the defendant to the effect that said relator would apply to this court on September 13, 1892, at the opening of the court on that day, or as soon thereafter as counsel could be heard, for an order striking out as frivolous the said demurrer of the defendant herein, and directing judgment in favor of the plaintiff, as prayed for in said complaint. That thereupon, and on September 9, 1892, the court set down said motions, respectively, and said demurrer, for full argument and consideration on the merits, for September 20, 1892, and the same were thereupon argued accordingly. That September 27, 1892, the court entered the following order and directions in said cause, to wit: “By the Court: The court holds that the order granting leave to the relator to bring this action on behalf of the state was properly made, and the court has jurisdiction of the action in its present form; hence the motion on behalf of defendant to vacate the same, and dismiss the action, must be denied. The court further holds that the complaint states facts sufficient to entitle the state to the relief demanded therein; hence the motion on behalf of the state to strike out the demurrer to the complaint as frivolous, and for judgment, must be granted. Such determination of these motions in effect overrules the demurrer to the complaint. An opinion will be prepared and filed at an early day. If the defendant desires leave to interpose an answer to the complaint the court will hear a motion for such leave on the next motion day.” That September 30, 1892, the defendant's attorney presented to the court a proposed answer to said complaint. That upon considering the same, and on October 1, 1892, the court denied the motion to interpose such answer, and thereupon judgment was directed and entered according to the prayer of the complaint.
The following are Exhibits A and B, mentioned and referred to in the said complaint:
EXHIBIT A.
SENATE DISTRICTS, WITH POPULATION, AS CREATED BY CHAPTER 1, EXTRA SESSION OF 1892.
Unit of Representation, 51,117.
First Senate District.
Door county
 
15,682
Kewaunee county
 
16,153
Marinette county
 
20,304
52,139
Excess
 
1,022
Second Senate District.
Brown county
 
39,164
Less Indians
 
723
38,441
Oconto
 
15,009
53,450
Excess
 
2,333
Third Senate District.
Racine county
 
36,268
Kenosha county
 
15,581
51,849
Excess
 
732
Fourth Senate District.
Milwaukee:
First ward
 
9,341
Third ward
 
6,823
Seventh ward
 
6,645
Eighteenth ward
 
7,923
30,732
Less
 
20,385
Fifth Senate District.
Milwaukee:
Fourth ward
 
10,291
Fifth ward
 
10,168
Eighth ward
 
14,236
Fifteenth ward
 
9,447
Sixteenth ward
 
6,521
50,663
Less
 
454
Sixth Senate District.
Milwaukee:
Second ward
 
10,685
Sixth ward
 
13,020
Ninth ward
 
22,469
46,174
Less
 
4,943
Seventh Senate District.
Milwaukee:
Tenth ward
 
19,879
Thirteenth ward
 
14,658
Towns in Milwaukee county:
Milwaukee
 
6,403
Granville
 
2,272
Wauwatosa
 
10,914
54,126
Excess
 
3,009
Eighth Senate District.
Milwaukee:
Eleventh ward
 
13,538
Twelfth ward
 
11,791
Fourteenth ward
 
11,337
Seventeenth ward
 
5,696
Towns in Milwaukee county:
Lake
 
4,899
Oak Creek
 
2,087
Franklin
 
1,868
Greenfield
 
3,190
54,406
Excess
 
3,289
Ninth Senate District.
Adams county
 
6,889
Green Lake county
 
15,163
Juneau county
 
17,121
Marquette county
 
9,676
Waushara county
 
13,507
62,356
Excess
 
11,239
Tenth Senate District.
Pierce county
 
20,385
Burnett county
 
4,393
Polk county
 
12,968
St. Croix county
 
22,397
60,143
Excess
 
9,026
Eleventh Senate District.
Ashland county
 
20,063
Bayfield county
 
7,390
Douglas county
 
13,468
Sawyer county
 
1,977
Washburn county
 
2,926
45,824
Excess
 
5,293
Twelfth Senate District.
Lincoln county
 
12,008
Marathon county
 
30,369
42,377
Less
 
8,740
Thirteenth Senate District.
Dodge county
 
44,984
Towns in Columbia county:
Scott
 
824
Randolph
 
974
Courtland
 
1,245
Springvale
 
703
Wyocena
 
1,303
West Point
 
701
Lodi
 
1,375
Arlington
 
828
Leeds
 
1,171
Otsego
 
1,127
Hampden
 
861
Fountain Prairie
 
1,315
Columbus
 
800
Rio village
 
339
Randolph village, West ward
 
79
Columbus city
 
1,977
60,606
Excess
 
9,489
Fourteenth Senate District.
Florence county
 
2,604
Forest county
 
1,012
Langlade county
 
9,465
Oneida county
 
5,010
Shawano county
 
19,236
37,327
Less
 
13,790
Fifteenth Senate District.
Calumet county
 
16,639
Manitowoc county
 
37,831
54,470
Excess
 
3,353
Sixteenth Senate District.
Crawford county
 
15,987
Richland county
 
19,121
Towns in Grant county:
Beetown
 
1,057
Bloomington
 
1,174
Boscobel
 
1,692
Castle Rock
 
681
Ellenboro
 
814
Fennimore
 
1,023
Glen Haven
 
883
Hickory Grove
 
798
Lancaster
 
3,289
Little Grant
 
668
Marion
 
573
Muscoda
 
1,160
Mt. Hope
 
640
Mt. Ida
 
779
Millville
 
197
Patch Grove
 
690
Waterstown
 
488
Woodman
 
495
Wyalusing
 
786
Wingville
 
1,380
54,975
Excess
 
3,858
Seventeenth Senate District.
Green county
 
22,732
Rock county
 
43,220
65,952
Excess
 
14,835
Eighteenth Senate District.
Fond du Lac county
 
44,088
Less
 
7,029
Nineteenth Senate District.
Winnebago county
 
50,097
Less
 
1,020
Twentieth Senate District.
Sheboygan county
 
42,489
Less
 
8,628
Twenty–First Senate District.
Portage county
 
24,798
Wood county
 
18,127
Towns in Waupaca county:
Matteson
 
860
Larabee, incl.
Clintonville city
 
2,902
Dupont
 
1,386
Helvetia
 
516
St. Lawrence
 
999
Waupaca
 
964
Lind
 
1,016
Dayton
 
852
Farmington
 
1,087
Scandinavia
 
1,142
Iola
 
1,315
Harrison
Wyoming
Clintonville city
Waupaca city
 
2,127
58,091
Excess
 
6,974
Twenty–Second Senate District.
Outagamie county
 
38,690
Towns in Waupaca county:
Union
 
1,153
Bear Creek, incl.
Lebanon
 
2,068
Lebanon
Little Wolf
 
1,487
Royalton
 
1,198
Mukwa
 
1,040
Caledonia, incl.
Fremont
 
1,748
Fremont, incl. in Caledonia
Weyauwega, incl. village
 
1,252
Fremont village, incl. in Caledonia
Weyauwega village
New London city:
First ward
 
515
Second ward
 
338
Fourth ward
 
485
Fifth ward
 
344
50,318
Less
 
799
Twenty–Third Senate District.
Jefferson county
 
33,530
Towns in Dane county:
Albion
 
1,516
Bristol
 
1,129
Christiana
 
2,379
Cottage Grove
 
1,305
Deerfield
 
1,573
Medina
 
1,393
Sun Prairie
 
912
York
 
963
Sun Prairie village
 
704
45,404
Less
 
4,499
Twenty–Fourth Senate District.
Walworth county
 
27,860
Towns in Waukesha county:
Delafield
 
1,684
Eagle
 
1,020
Genesee
 
1,327
Summit
 
1,130
Muskego
 
1,390
Vernon
 
1,277
Ottawa
 
880
Mukwanago
 
1,217
Waukesha
 
7,480
45,265
Less
 
5,852
Twenty–Fifth Senate District.
Clark county
 
17,708
Eau Claire county
 
30,673
48,381
Less
 
2,736
Twenty–Sixth Senate District.
Towns in Dane county:
Blooming Grove
 
999
Fitchburg
 
958
Madison
 
919
Madison city
 
13,426
Burke
 
1,093
Windsor
 
1,329
Vienna
 
1,009
Westport
 
1,893
Dane
 
1,161
Springfield
 
1,111
Berry
 
1,003
Roxbury
 
1,073
Mazomanie
 
1,482
Black Earth
 
742
Vermont
 
892
Cross Plains
 
1,103
Middleton
 
1,433
Blue Mounds
 
1,449
Springdale
 
1,120
Verona
 
1,225
Dunkirk
 
1,406
Dunn
 
1,113
Pleasant Springs
 
1,501
Rutland
 
1,222
Oregon
 
1,436
Montrose
 
1,251
Primrose
 
889
Perry
 
996
Stoughton
 
2,470
47,704
Less
 
3,413
Twenty–Seventh Senate District.
Sauk county
 
30,575
Towns in Columbia county:
Newport, incl.
Kilbourn city
 
1,448
Lewiston
 
936
Ft. Winnebago
 
646
Marcellon
 
845
Caledonia
 
1,336
Pacific
 
255
Dekorra
 
1,386
Lowville
 
733
Portage city
 
5,143
43,303
Less
 
7,814
Twenty–Eighth Senate District.
Iowa county
 
22,117
La Fayette county
 
20,265
Towns in Grant county:
Cassville
 
1,455
Clifton
 
1,074
Harrison
 
1,020
Hazel Green
 
1,549
Jamestown
 
961
Liberty
 
881
Lima
 
1,040
Paris
 
778
Platteville
 
3,687
Potosi
 
2,110
Smelser
 
1,295
Waterloo
 
934
59,166
Excess
 
8,049
Twenty–Ninth Senate District.
Buffalo county
 
5,997
Dunn county
 
22,664
Barron county
 
15,416
Pepin county
 
6,932
61,009
Excess
 
9,892
Thirtieth Senate District.
Chippewa county
 
25,143
Price county
 
5,258
Taylor county
 
6,731
37,132
Less
 
13,985
Thirty–First Senate District.
Jackson county
 
15,797
Monroe county
 
23,211
Vernon county
 
25,111
64,119
Excess
 
13,002
Thirty–Second Senate District.
La Crosse county
 
38,801
Trempealeau county
 
18,920
57,721
Excess
 
6,604
Thirty–Third Senate District.
Ozaukee county
 
14,943
Washington county
 
22,751
Towns in Waukesha county:
Brookfield
 
1,960
Menominee
 
2,480
New Berlin
 
1,519
Pewaukee
 
2,757
Lisbon
 
1,443
Merton
 
1,604
Oconomowoc city
 
2,729
Oconomowoc town
 
1,373
53,559
Excess
 
2,442
EXHIBIT B.
ASSEMBLY DISTRICTS––STATE OF WISCONSIN––APPORTIONMENT OF 1892.
Unit of Representation, 16,868.
1.
Kenosha county
 
15,581
Less
 
1,287
2.
Green county
 
22,732
Excess
 
5,864
3.
La Fayette county
 
20,265
Excess
 
3,397
4.
Iowa county
 
22,117
Excess
 
5,249
5.
Ozaukee county
 
14,943
Less
 
925
6.
Washington county
 
22,751
Excess
 
5,883
7.
Richland county
 
19,121
Excess
 
2,253
8.
Vernon county
 
25,111
Excess
 
8,243
9.
Monroe county
 
23,211
Excess
 
6,343
10.
Juneau county
 
17,121
Excess
 
253
11.
Crawford county
 
15,987
Less
 
881
12.
Calumet county
 
16,639
Less
 
229
13.
Kewaunee county
 
16,153
Less
 
715
14.
Door county
 
15,682
Less
 
1,186
15.
Portage county
 
24,789
Excess
 
7,921
16.
Wood county
 
18,127
Excess
 
1,259
17.
Jackson county
 
15,797
Less
 
1,071
18.
Trempealeau county
 
18,920
Excess
 
2,052
19.
Pierce county
 
20,385
Excess
 
3,517
20.
St. Croix county
 
22,397
Excess
 
5,529
21.
Dunn county
 
22,664
Excess
 
5,796
22.
Clark county
 
17,708
Excess
 
840
23.
Shawano county
 
19,236
Excess
 
2,368
24.
Oconto county
 
15,009
Less
 
1,859
25.
Marinette county
 
20,304
Excess
 
3,436
26.
Barron county
 
15,416
Less
 
1,452
27.
Ashland county
 
20,063
Excess
 
3,195
28.
Langlade county
 
9,465
Less
 
7,403
29.
Lincoln county
 
12,008
Less
 
4,860
30.
Douglas county
 
13,468
Less
 
3,400
31.
Adams county
 
6,889
Waushara county
 
13,507
20,396
Excess
 
3,528
32.
Bayfield county
 
7,390
Sawyer county
 
1,997
Washburn county
 
2,926
12,313
Less
 
4,558
33.
Buffalo county
 
15,997
Pepin county
 
6,932
22,929
Excess
 
6,061
34.
Burnett county
 
4,393
Polk county
 
12,968
17,361
Excess
 
493
35.
Florence county
 
2,604
Forest county
 
1,012
Oneida county
 
5,010
8,626
Less
 
8,242
36.
Green Lake county
 
15,163
Marquette county
 
9,676
24,839
Excess
 
7,971
37.
Price county
 
5,258
Taylor county
 
6,731
11,989
Less
 
4,879
38.
Towns in Brown county:
Allouez
 
363
Bellevue
 
838
Eaton
 
1,102
Howard
 
1,261
Humboldt
 
1,068
Green Bay
 
1,008
Preble
 
1,160
Suamico
 
906
Scott
 
1,288
Pittsfield
 
941
Green Bay city
 
9,069
Fort Howard city:
First ward, Second ward, and Third ward
 
2,584
21,588
Excess
 
4,720
39.
Towns in Brown county:
Ashwaubenon
 
479
De Pere
 
969
Glenmore
 
1,441
Lawrence
 
949
Morrison
 
1,449
New Denmark
 
1,553
Holland
 
1,249
Rockland
 
800
Wrightstown
 
2,169
De Pere city
 
3,625
Fort Howard city:
Fourth ward, Fifth ward, and Sixth ward
 
2,170
16,853
Less
 
15
40.
Towns in Grant county:
Cassville
 
1,455
Clifton
 
1,074
Harrison
 
1,020
Hazel Green
 
1,549
Jamestown
 
961
Liberty
 
881
Lima
 
1,040
Paris
 
778
Platteville
 
3,687
Potosi
 
2,110
Smelser
 
1,295
Waterloo
 
934
16,784
Less
 
84
41.
Towns in Grant county:
Bloomington
 
1,174
Beetown
 
1,257
Boscobel
 
1,692
Castle Rock
 
681
Ellenborough
 
814
Fennimore
 
1,423
Glen Haven
 
883
Hickory Grove
 
798
Lancaster
 
3,289
Little Grant
 
668
Marion
 
573
Muscoda
 
1,160
Mt. Hope
 
640
Mt. Ida
 
779
Millville
 
197
Patch Grove
 
690
Waterstown
 
488
Woodman
 
495
Wyalusing
 
786
Wingville
 
1,380
19,867
Excess
 
2,999
42.
Milwaukee city:
First ward
 
9,341
Eighteenth ward
 
7,923
17,264
Excess
 
396
43.
Milwaukee city:
Seventh ward
 
6,645
Third ward
 
6,823
13,468
Less
 
3,400
44.
Milwaukee:
Thirteenth ward
 
14,658
Less
 
2,210
45.
Milwaukee city:
Fifteenth ward
 
9,447
Sixteenth ward
 
6,521
15,968
Less
 
900
46.
Milwaukee city:
Tenth ward
 
19,879
Excess
 
3,011
47.
Milwaukee city:
Ninth ward
 
22,469
Excess
 
5,601
48.
Milwaukee city:
Second ward
 
10,685
Sixth ward
 
13,020
23,705
Excess
 
6,837
49.
Milwaukee city:
Fourth ward
 
10,291
Fifth ward
 
10,168
20,459
Excess
 
3,591
50.
Milwaukee city:
Eighth ward
 
14,236
Less
 
2,632
51.
Milwaukee city:
Eleventh ward
 
13,768
Less
 
3,100
52.
Milwaukee city:
Twelfth ward
 
11,791
Less
 
5,077
53.
Milwaukee city:
Fourteenth ward
 
11,107
Less
 
5,761
54.
Milwaukee city:
Seventeenth ward
 
5,696
Towns in Milwaukee county:
Lake
 
4,899
Oak Creek
 
2,087
Greenfield
 
3,109
Franklin
 
1,868
17,740
Excess
 
772
55.
Towns in Milwaukee county:
Wauwatosa
 
10,914
Granville
 
2,272
Milwaukee
 
6,403
19,589
Excess
 
2,721
56.
Racine city
 
21,014
Excess
 
4,146
57.
Towns in Racine county:
Burlington
 
3,140
Caledonia
 
2,732
Dover
 
924
Mt. Pleasant
 
2,192
Norway
 
841
Raymond
 
1,784
Rochester
 
699
Waterford
 
1,551
Yorkville
 
1,391
15,254
Less
 
1,614
58.
Towns in Walworth county:
Whitewater
 
849
La Grange
 
844
Troy
 
972
East Troy
 
1,406
Richmond
 
799
Sugar Creek
 
1,004
La Fayette
 
933
Elkhorn
 
1,557
Whitewater city
 
4,359
12,723
Less
 
4,145
59.
Towns in Walworth county:
Darien
 
1,434
Delavan
 
2,499
Geneva
 
963
Lyons
 
1,328
Sharon
 
2,038
Linn
 
854
Walworth
 
1,372
Bloomfield
 
1,197
Spring Prairie
 
1,155
Lake Geneva city
 
2,297
15,137
Less
 
1,731
60.
Towns in Jefferson county:
Concord
 
1,331
Ixonia
 
1,491
Lake Mills
 
2,107
Milford
 
1,439
Waterloo, incl. village
 
1,838
Watertown
 
1,691
Waterloo village
Watertown city:
First ward
 
2,150
Second ward
 
1,611
Third and Fourth wards
 
1,760
Seventh ward
 
985
16,403
Less
 
465
61.
Towns in Jefferson county:
Aztalan
 
1,349
Cold Springs
 
649
Farmington
 
1,847
Hebron
 
1,060
Jefferson
 
4,053
Koskonong
 
3,782
Oakland
 
1,168
Palmyra
 
1,357
Sullivan
 
1,323
Sumner
 
539
17,127
Excess
 
259
62.
Towns in Dodge county:
Chester
 
736
Leroy
 
1,413
Lomira
 
1,816
Burnett
 
1,026
Williamstown, incl.
Mayville city
 
2,196
Theresa
 
1,761
Hubbard
 
2,969
Trenton
 
1,472
Waupun city:
South ward
 
1,695
Mayville city
15,081
Less
 
1,787
63.
Towns in Dodge county:
Fox Lake
 
1,615
Westford, incl.
E. Wd. Randolph
 
1,296
Calamus
 
1,083
Elba
 
1,117
Portland
 
1,163
Beaver Dam
 
1,341
Lowell
 
2,492
Shields
 
919
Randolph city:
East ward, incl. in Westford
Reeseville village
Beaver Dam city
 
4,222
15,249
Less
 
1,619
64.
Towns in Dodge county:
Clyman
 
1,293
Emmett
 
1,248
Herman
 
1,478
Hustisford
 
1,639
Lebanon
 
1,505
Rubicon
 
1,520
Ashippun
 
1,344
Oak Grove, incl.
Juneau
 
2,375
Juneau city, incl. in Oak Grove
Watertown city:
Fifth and Sixth wards
 
2,249
14,651
Less
 
2,217
65.
Towns in Columbia county:
Newport
 
1,448
Lewiston
 
936
Fort Winnebago
 
646
Marcellon
 
845
Caledonia
 
1,336
Pacific
 
255
Dekorra
 
1,386
Lowville
 
733
Portage city
 
5,143
12,728
Less
 
4,140
66.
Towns in Columbia county:
Scott
 
824
Randolph
 
974
Courtland, incl.
West ward Randolph
 
1,324
Springvale
 
703
Wyocena
 
1,303
West Point
 
701
Lodi
 
1,375
Arlington
 
828
Leeds
 
1,171
Otsego
 
1,127
Hampden
 
861
Fountain Prairie
 
1,315
Columbus
 
800
Rio village
 
339
Randolph village:
West ward
Columbus city
 
1,977
15,622
Less
 
1,246
67.
Towns in Sauk county:
Delton
 
829
Baraboo
 
1,386
Fairfield
 
672
Greenfield
 
848
Freedom
 
1,259
Honey Creek
 
1,024
Sumpter
 
761
Merrimac
 
847
Troy
 
911
Prairie du Sac
 
1,180
Sauk city
 
876
Prairie du Sac village
Baraboo city
 
4,605
15,298
Less
 
1,570
68.
Towns in Sauk county:
Dellona
 
594
Winfield
 
793
La Valle
 
1,367
Woodland
 
1,222
Ironton
 
1,455
Reedsburg
 
1,112
Excelsior
 
1,299
Washington
 
1,206
Westfield
 
1,357
Bear Creek
 
883
Franklin
 
1,044
Spring Green
 
1,208
La Valle village
Reedsburg city
 
1,737
15,277
Less
 
1,591
69.
Towns in Fond du Lac county:
Calumet
 
1,399
Marshfield
 
1,938
Taycheedah
 
1,269
Friendship
 
856
Eldorado
 
1,458
Rosendale
 
1,099
Alto
 
1,316
Metomen
 
1,853
Ripon and Ripon city
 
4,543
15,731
Less
 
1,137
70.
Towns in Fond du Lac county:
Lamaratine
 
1,232
Fond du Lac
 
1,126
Fond du Lac city
 
12,024
14,382
Less
 
2,486
71.
Towns in Fond du Lac county:
Ashford
 
1,868
Auburn
 
1,509
Byron
 
1,216
Eden
 
1,333
Empire
 
873
Forest
 
1,311
Oakfield
 
1,324
Osceola
 
1,272
Springvale
 
1,092
Waupun
 
1,115
Waupun city:
North ward
 
1,062
13,975
Less
 
2,893
72.
Towns in Manitowoc county:
Cato
 
1,793
Centerville
 
1,374
Eaton
 
1,332
Liberty
 
1,277
Meeme
 
1,434
Rockland
 
1,267
Schleswig
 
2,053
Manitowoc Rapids
 
1,914
Kossuth
 
1,973
Franklin
 
1,836
Maple Grove
 
1,585
Newton
 
1,726
Reedsville village
19,564
Excess
 
2,696
73.
Towns in Manitowoc county:
Manitowoc
 
1,275
Two Rivers
 
1,108
Two Creeks
 
607
Michicott
 
1,417
Gibson
 
1,651
Cooperstown
 
1,629
Two Rivers city
 
2,870
Manitowoc city
 
7,710
18,267
Excess
 
1,399
74.
Oshkosh city:
First ward
 
3,300
Second ward
 
3,591
Third ward
 
3,573
Fourth ward
 
5,312
Fifth ward
 
3,099
18,875
Excess
 
2,007
75.
Towns in Winnebago county:
Clayton
 
1,170
Menasha
 
595
Neenah
 
538
Oshkosh
 
1,489
Vinland
 
936
Winchester
 
1,030
Wolf River
 
919
Neenah city
 
5,083
Menasha city
 
4,581
16,341
Less
 
527
76.
Towns in Winnebago county:
Algoma
 
757
Black Wolf
 
837
Nekimi
 
1,028
Omro
 
2,270
Poygan
 
747
Utica
 
981
Nepeuskun
 
908
Rushford
 
1,608
Winneconne, incl. village
 
1,781
Winneconne village
Oshkosh city:
Sixth ward
 
3,961
14,881
Less
 
1,987
77.
Towns in Waupaca county:
Union
 
1,153
Bear Creek, incl.
Lebanon
 
2,068
Lebanon, incl. in Bear Creek
Little Wolf
 
1,487
Royalton
 
1,198
Mukwa
 
1,040
Caledonia, incl.
Fremont vil. and town
 
1,748
Fremont
Weyauwega, incl. village
 
1,252
Fremont village
Weyauwega village
New London city:
First ward
 
515
Second ward
 
338
Fourth ward
 
485
Fifth ward
 
344
11,628
Less
 
5,240
78.
Towns in Waupaca county:
Matteson
 
860
Larabee, incl.
Clintonville
 
2,902
Dupont
 
1,386
Helvetia
 
516
Saint Lawrence
 
999
Waupaca
 
964
Lind
 
1,016
Dayton
 
852
Farmington
 
1,087
Scandinavia
 
1,142
Iola
 
1,315
Harrison
Wyoming
Waupaca city
 
2,127
15,166
Less
 
1,702
79.
Eau Claire city
 
17,415
Excess
 
547
80.
Towns in Eau Claire county:
Bridge Creek
 
1,122
Brunswick
 
1,765
Clear Creek
 
621
Drammen
 
556
Fairchild
 
1,215
Lincoln
 
1,786
Ludington
 
558
Otter Creek
 
688
Pleasant Valley
 
737
Seymour
 
406
Union
 
674
Washington
 
1,138
Altoona city
 
805
Augusta city
 
1,187
13,258
Less
 
3,610
81.
Towns in Marathon county:
Bergen
 
616
Brighton
 
686
Cassel, incl. in Marathon
Cleveland, incl. in Frankfort
Day
 
1,255
Hamburg
 
693
Halsey
 
654
Holton
 
760
Hull
 
893
Eau Plaine, incl. in Frankfort
Johnson
 
313
Mosinee
 
626
Marathon
 
1,438
Reitbrock
 
717
Rib Falls
 
672
Spencer
 
1,018
Stettin
 
964
Wien, incl. in Frankfort
Emmett, incl. in Bergen
Frankfort
 
1,284
McMillan, incl. in Day
Manville
Marathon city,incl. in town
12,589
Less
 
4,279
82.
Towns in Marathon county:
Berlin
 
1,083
Easton
 
1,620
Knowlton
 
1,139
Kronenwetter
 
585
Norrie, incl. in Eldron
Plover, incl. in Easton
Pike Lake, incl. in Kronenwetter
Texas, incl. in Harrison
Wausau, incl. in Easton
Maine
 
1,178
Weston
 
1,776
Eldron
 
585
Harrison, incl.
Texas
 
1,146
Wausau city
 
9,253
16,049
Less
 
819
83.
Sheboygan city
 
16,359
Less
 
509
84.
Towns in Sheboygan county:
Herman
 
1,998
Sheboygan Falls town
 
1,677
Lima
 
1,921
Holland
 
2,874
Wilson
 
1,044
Sheboygan
 
2,117
Mosel
 
863
Sheboygan Falls village
 
1,118
13,612
Less
 
3,256
85.
Towns in Sheboygan county:
Russell
 
439
Greenbush
 
1,690
Mitchell
 
1,012
Scott
 
1,413
Sherman
 
1,736
Lyndon
 
1,697
Rhine
 
1,612
Plymouth
 
1,356
Plymouth city
 
1,503
12,518
Less
 
4,350
86.
Towns in Waukesha county:
Brookfield
 
1,960
Menomonee
 
2,480
New Berlin
 
1,519
Pewaukee
 
2,757
Lisbon
 
1,443
Merton
 
1,604
Oconomowoc
 
1,373
Oconomowoc city
 
2,729
15,865
Less
 
1,003
87.
Towns in Waukesha county:
Delafield
 
1,604
Eagle
 
1,020
Genesee
 
1,327
Summit
 
1,130
Muskego
 
1,390
Vernon
 
1,277
Ottawa
 
880
Mukwonago
 
1,217
Waukesha
 
7,480
17,405
Excess
 
537
88.
Towns in La Crosse county:
Bangor
 
1,038
Barre
 
670
Greenfield
 
751
Hamilton
 
1,942
Shelby
 
1,003
Washington
 
796
La Crosse city:
Third and Thirteenth wards
 
2,780
Fourth and Fourteenth wards
 
2,156
Sixth and Sixteenth wards
 
1,593
Seventh and Seventeenth wards
 
2,516
Eighth and Eighteenth wards
 
3,262
18,607
Excess
 
1,739
89.
Towns in La Crosse county:
Burns
 
1,020
Campbell
 
955
Farmington
 
1,810
Holland
 
1,009
Onalaska
 
1,030
Onalaska city
 
1,587
La Crosse city:
First and Eleventh wards
 
2,569
Second and Twelfth wards
 
2,653
Fifth and Fifteenth wards
 
2,649
Ninth and Nineteenth wards
 
2,648
Tenth and Twentieth wards
 
2,264
20,194
Excess
 
3,226
90.
Towns in Dane county:
Blooming Grove
 
999
Fitchburg
 
958
Madison
 
919
Madison city
 
13,426
16,302
Less
 
566
91.
Towns in Dane county:
Albion
 
1,516
Bristol
 
1,129
Christiana
 
2,379
Cottage Grove
 
1,305
Deerfield
 
1,573
Medina
 
1,393
Sun Prairie
 
912
York
 
963
Sun Prairie village
 
704
11,874
Less
 
4,994
92.
Towns in Dane county:
Burke
 
1,093
Windsor
 
1,329
Vienna
 
1,009
Westport
 
1,893
Dane
 
1,161
Springfield
 
1,111
Berry
 
1,003
Roxbury
 
1,073
Mazomanie
 
1,482
Black Earth
 
742
Vermont
 
892
Cross Plains
 
1,103
Middleton
 
1,433
Blue Mounds
 
1,449
Springdale
 
1,120
Verona
 
1,225
19,117
Excess
 
2,249
93.
Towns in Dane county:
Dunkirk
 
1,406
Dunn
 
1,113
Pleasant Springs
 
1,501
Rutland
 
1,222
Oregon
 
1,436
Montrose
 
1,251
Primrose
 
889
Perry
 
996
Stoughton city
 
2,407
12,284
Less
 
4,584
94.
Towns in Outagamie county:
Dale
 
1,207
Greenville
 
1,246
Grand Chute
 
1,574
Center
 
1,488
Appleton city
 
11,896
17,411
Excess
 
543
95.
Towns in Outagamie county:
Black Creek
 
1,377
Bovina
 
663
Ellington
 
1,210
Hortonia
 
1,307
Liberty
 
492
Maple Creek
 
815
Osborn
 
685
Cicero
 
952
Maine
 
478
Deer Creek
 
932
Seymour
 
977
Kaukauna
 
1,728
Freedom
 
1,602
Buchanan
 
1,397
Seymour city
 
733
Kaukauna city
 
4,667
New London city, Third ward
 
368
20,383
Excess
 
3,515
96.
Towns in Chippewa county:
Tilden
 
1,313
Wheaton
 
1,400
Chippewa Falls city
 
8,670
11,383
Less
 
5,485
97.
Towns in Chippewa county:
Anson
 
533
Arthur
 
622
Auburn
 
1,584
Big Bend
 
820
Bloomer
 
2,351
Cleveland
 
395
Colburn
 
347
Eagle Point
 
1,282
Edson
 
2,164
Flambeau
 
289
La Fayette
 
1,514
Lawrence
 
272
Sigel
 
1,587
13,760
Less
 
3,008
98.
Towns in Rock county:
Avon
 
806
Beloit
 
714
Center
 
1,073
Magnolia
 
1,098
Newark
 
1,039
Plymouth
 
1,188
Spring Valley
 
1,422
Turtle
 
993
Union
 
950
Evansville village
 
1,523
Beloit city
 
6,315
17,121
Excess
 
253
99.
Towns in Rock county:
Bradford
 
849
Clinton
 
1,105
Fulton
 
1,363
Harmony
 
1,083
Janesville
 
926
Johnstown
 
1,034
La Prairie
 
832
Lima
 
1,009
Milton
 
2,300
Porter
 
1,235
Rock
 
976
Clinton village
 
856
Edgerton city
 
1,595
15,263
Less
 
1,605
100.
Janesville city
 
10,836
Less
 
6,032

Attorneys and Law Firms

*48 John C. Spooner, Geo. W. Bird, C. E. Estabrook, and Geo. G Greene, for plaintiff.
William F. Vilas and H. E. Briggs, for defendant.

Opinion

CASSODAY, J., (after stating the facts.)
Counsel for the defendant challenge the jurisdiction of this court in this cause, and supports such contention with much learning and ability. The question of the original jurisdiction or power of this court under section 3, art. 7, of the constitution, “to issue writs of habeas corpus, mandamus, injunction, quo warranto, certiorari, and other original and remedial writs, and to hear and determine the same,” has frequently been considered by this court. Attorney General v. Blossom, 1 Wis. 317; Attorney General v. Barstow, 4 Wis. 567; State v. Messmore, 14 Wis. 115; Cooper v. City of Mineral Point, 34 Wis. 181; Attorney General v Railroad Cos., 35 Wis. 425; Attorney General v. City of Eau Claire, 37 Wis. 400; State v. Baker, 38 Wis. 71; State v. Supervisors of Juneau Co., Id. 554; State v. Doyle, 40 Wis. 175; Petition of Semler, 41 Wis. 522; In re Pierce, 44 Wis. 411, State v. St. Croix Boom Corp., 60 Wis. 565, 19 N. W. Rep. 396; State v. Cunningham, 81 Wis. 440, 51 N. W. Rep. 724; State v. Cunningham, (Wis.) 51 N W Rep. 1133. Most, if not all, of these cases were argued with great learning and ability, and then carefully considered by the persons constituting the court at the times they were respectively submitted; and hence must be regarded not only as highly persuasive, but as absolutely binding upon us as authority.
Conscious of the importance of the case at bar, we have diligently sought the guidance of the recorded opinions of the court in the cases cited, so far as applicable, in coming to the conclusions reached, and none more so than the utterances of the late learned and able Chief Justice RYAN. Among the propositions so firmly established as to require no further exposition from this court are those to the effect that the constitutional clause quoted “was designed to give this court original jurisdiction of all judicial questions affecting the sovereignty of the state, its franchises and prerogatives, or the liberties of its people;” that such prerogative writs, including injunction, as a quasi prerogative writ, can properly issue only at the suit of the state, or the attorney general in the right of the state; that “in matters strictly publici juris, in which no one citizen has any right or interest other than that which is common to citizens in general, a petition by a private person for leave to commence an action in this court in the name of the state cannot properly be considered until the attorney general has been requested to move in the matter, and has refused or unreasonably delayed to do so;” that in all cases in which an exercise of such original jurisdiction is sought, whether by such private citizen or the attorney general, leave must first be obtained from this court upon a prima facie showing that the case is one calling for the exercise of such jurisdiction; that the official acts of the secretary of state in issuing or publishing notices of an election of members of the legislature under an apportionment act, alleged to be invalid, are purely ministerial; and hence, in the exercise of such original jurisdiction, this court may control the same either by mandamus or injunction, as the exigencies of the case may require. We do not understand counsel for the defendant to question the correctness of the decision in State v. Cunningham, 81 Wis. 440, 51 N. W. Rep. 724; and hence it is, in effect, conceded that the court has jurisdiction of the subject–matter of the case at bar.
The precise objection to the jurisdiction here presented is that its exercise has not been invoked by the attorney general, and hence that the court is powerless to consider the case at all without his consent and co–operation. In State v. Baker, 38 Wis. 80, 81, RYAN, C. J., said: “The jurisdiction conferred on this court by the constitution is of informations in the nature of quo warranto, as substituted in modern times for the use of the ancient writ itself, and as used when the constitution was framed. This was a prerogative proceeding, quasi criminal and quasi civil in its character, according to its use, but always classed with criminal informations. * * * The mode of proceeding under this jurisdiction might be regulated by statute, but the jurisdiction itself could not be defeated or abridged. * * * It was undoubtedly competent for the legislature to give a quasi civil proceeding in such cases, but not to abolish the quasi criminal jurisdiction vested in the court by the constitution. This appears to us to be a matter of substance, not of form.” He then referred to the statute expressly authorizing such quo warranto “by a private person” in the name of the state, when the attorney general refuses to act, and said: “Before such statute, the courts of the state might, perhaps, in proper cases, have authorized *49 proceedings in the name of the attorney general, if that officer wrongfully refused to act, and it was necessary to proceed in his name.” That action was commenced by a private relator on his own complaint; but the court having become, as stated in the opinion, “embarrassed by the form of the proceedings,” the same were, on the suggestion of the court, amended, by the attorney general signing the summons and information nunc pro tunc. Thus it is apparent that the court regarded the want of the attorney general's signature as a mere defect of form, and not of substance. The learned counsel for the defendant characterizes the last quotation as a mere obiter dictum, and it may have been subject to such criticism at the time it was said. However that may be, the proposition received an authoritative sanction from the same learned chief justice, speaking for the whole court, in State v. Doyle, 40 Wis. 185 et seq. That was an application, made by Drake as relator by his own complaint and by his own attorney in the name of the state, for a mandamus to compel the secretary of state to revoke and cancel a license to an insurance company, and the attorney general appeared as counsel for and defended the secretary. Chief Justice RYAN, speaking for the whole court, there said: “It was stated by the attorney general that the suit of the relator against the insurance company had been settled; that the relator has no further interest in the question, and therefore no further right to the writ. The fact does not appear of record, but it is immaterial. So far as the private right of the relator is concerned, it is now well settled that this court could not assume original jurisdiction to enforce it.” Then, partly quoting from his former opinions, he said: “But in a government like ours public rights of the state and private rights of citizens often meet, and may well be involved in a single litigation. So it may be in the exercise of the original jurisdiction of the court. The prerogative writs can issue only at the suit of the state, or the attorney general in the right of the state. They may go on the relation of a private person, and may involve private right. And the question before us is not upon the private right of the relator, and is independent of the accident that there is a relator in the case. The question on which the exercise of jurisdiction here must turn is whether the subject–matter of the writ is one ‘quod ad statum reipublicæ pertinet;’ one affecting the sovereignty of the state, its franchises or prerogatives. And on this question there appears to us to be no room for doubt. * * * Whether the respondent be right or wrong in his view, (and that is for this court, and not for him, to determine,) it is very certain that it concerns the state at large that one of its principal officers executes his office in positive and deliberate disregard of a public statute defining its duties. Such a case, when presented, is one eminently calling for the exercise of our original jurisdiction; one, with or without a relator, eminently fit to be presented to the court for adjudication. The writ of mandamus, in such a case, eminently serves its function as a prerogative writ.” In Merrill, Mand., (just published,) the conflicting decisions upon the question whether a public right can be enforced by a private party as relator are considered, and it is there said that “the rule refusing the privilege to private parties of obtaining a mandamus to enforce public duties is one of discretion, and not of law; and the court will ignore it when the attorney general refuses to appear to complain of alleged omissions of duty by public officers.” Id. § 229. It is there further said that “the great weight of American authority is to the effect that, where the relief sought is a public matter, or a matter of public right, the people at large are the real party, and any citizen is entitled to the writ of mandamus to enforce the performance of such public duty.” Id. § 230, citing numerous cases. That such is the settled rule in this state is manifest from the quotations made from the opinion of RYAN, C. J., in State v. Doyle, supra.
The learned counsel for the defendant concede “that the court of king's bench always, so far as known, entertained the application for a mandamus of any person to compel a public officer, public body, or corporate creature to perform a duty enjoined by the law, not withstanding the petitioner's injury was not peculiar or different from that suffered by others;” but he insists with much elaboration that such supervisory control is “enforced upon different principles from those maintained by the court of equity in granting preventive relief for the protection of the rights of its suitors.” It is true, as argued, that the writ of injunction issues upon the determination of the controversy to enforce the decree entered therein, and hence is generally regarded as merely remedial in its nature; whereas a mandamus issues at the commencement of the action, and is to enforce a strictly legal right. This difference confronted the court in the cases against the railroads, and was elaborately considered in the opinion of the court by Chief Justice RYAN, 35 Wis. 512–523. Among other things, he there said: “This original jurisdiction is conferred and limited by the power ‘to issue writs of habeas corpus, mandamus, injunction, quo warranto, certiorari, and other original and remedial writs, and to hear and determine the same.’ Section 3, art. 7, Const. * * * The court has many time exercised original jurisdiction in cases of habeas corpus, mandamus, quo warranto, and certiorari. This is the first time it has been called upon to assert original jurisdiction of injunction.” Then, after pointing out the distinction mentioned, and the inaccuracy in the language of certain former opinions of this court by failing to observe it, he said: “All the other writs of the group are common–law writs. The writ of injunction, when the constitution was adopted, was exclusively an equitable writ, used only by courts of chancery. As such it was given to this court, implying and carrying with it equitable jurisdiction to employ it. It is therefore plain that the original jurisdiction of this court is both legal and equitable, within certain *50 limits; legal, for the use of the common–law writs; equitable, for the use of the chancery writ. The use of the former must be according to the course of common–law courts; the use of the latter, according to the course of courts of equity; in each case subject to statutory modifications of the practice, which do not impair the jurisdiction granted. The common–law writs, as already observed, imply and define the jurisdiction appurtenant to them, as jurisdictional writs. It is otherwise with the writ of injunction. Equity has no jurisdictional writs. By the course of courts of equity the jurisdiction must precede the writ; and, although the writ is the end of the equitable jurisdiction implied, the scope of the jurisdiction must be sought mainly outside of the writ itself. It can issue only after bill or information filed. And the question still remains, what is the original equitable jurisdiction conferred on the court of bills or informations dependent on the use of the writ? The grant of original jurisdiction is one entire thing, given in one general policy, for one general purpose, though it may have many objects and many modes of execution. So it is of the appellate power. So it is of the superintending control. There are three independent and distinct grants of jurisdiction, each compact and congruous in itself, each a uniform group of analogous remedies, though to be exercised in several ways, by several writs, in legal and equitable proceedings, on many objects, in great variety of detail. The constitution wisely, almost necessarily, stopped with the general grants of jurisdiction, carefully distinguished, and left details to practice and experience.” Then, after indicating that the primary and controlling object of the framers of the constitution in giving this court “original jurisdiction over great public interests” was “for greater security,” and “for the better and prompter and more authoritative protection of public interests,” he said: “And, plainly recognizing the intention of the constitution to vest in this court one jurisdiction by several writs, to be put to several uses for one consistent, congruous, harmonious purpose, we must look at the writ of injunction in the light of that purpose, and seek its use in the kindred uses of the other writs associated with it. Noscitur a sociis is an old and safe rule of construction, * * * peculiarly applicable to this consideration. * * * Here are several writs of defined and certain application classed with one of vague import. We are to be guided in the application of the uncertain by its certain associates. The joinder of the doubtful writ with the defined writs operates to interpret and restrict its use, so as to be accepted in the sense of its associates, so that it and they may harmonize in their use for the common purpose for which it is manifest that they were all given. And thus, in this use and for this purpose, the constitution puts the writ of injunction to prerogative uses, and makes it a quasi prerogative writ.” He then contrasted injunction and mandamus, and said: “The latter commands, the former forbids. Where there is nonfeasance, mandamus compels duty. Where there is malfeasance, injunction restrains wrong. And so near are the objects of the two writs that there is sometimes doubt which is the proper one. Injunction is frequently mandatory, and mandamus sometimes operates restraint. * * * And it is very safe to assume that the constitution gives injunction to restrain excess in the same class of cases as it gives mandamus to supply defect; the use of the one writ or the other in each case turning solely on the accident of overaction or shortcoming of the defendant. And it may be that where defect and excess meet in a single case, the court might meet both, in its discretion, by one of the writs, without being driven to send out both, tied together with red tape, for a single purpose. * * * The prerogative writs proper can issue only at the suit of the state, or the attorney general in the right of the state; and so it must be with the writ of injunction, in its use as a quasi prerogative writ. All may go on the relation of a private person, and may involve private right.” The “one entire thing”––the “one general policy”––the “one general purpose” to be accomplished through the “one jurisdiction” by the five several writs grouped together in one clause of the constitution, as mentioned by the learned chief justice, manifestly has reference to “judicial questions affecting the sovereignty of the state, its franchises and prerogatives, or the liberty of its people;” for it is only of such as therein indicated that this court takes original jurisdiction at all. The irresistible logic of the opinion as to the effect that the power to thus issue the five writs, thus grouped together, for the one purpose named, was by the clause of the constitution quoted vested in this court absolutely and unconditionally, and is in no way dependent upon the volition of the attorney general or any other official. This is confirmed by what he said in State v. Baker, quoted above, to the effect that, while the legislature might regulate the mode of procedure in such cases, they could not defeat nor abridge the jurisdiction itself; that the appearance in the case by the attorney general, or his consent, was a mere matter of form, and not of substance, and hence could be supplied upon the hearing nunc pro tunc. Indeed, it would be a solecism to hold, as this court frequently has held in several of the cases cited, to the effect that the attorney general has no right or power to commence such an action, much less to prosecute it, without first obtaining leave from this court, and then hold that this court has no power to take jurisdiction in any such case without first obtaining the permission of the attorney general. This court cannot play fast and loose with the subject of jurisdiction. It either has it absolutely whenever a proper cause is presented, or else it has not got it at all. If it has jurisdiction in such a cause, it is because it has been conferred on the court by the people in their sovereign capacity, in the clause of the organic law quoted. If such jurisdiction is thereby vested in the court,––as must be conceded by all,––then it would seem to be idle to deny the jurisdiction in such action *51 merely because the attorney general has refused to co–operate or consent. In line with the opinions of Chief Justice RYAN, mentioned, Mr. Justice PINNEY, in the recent apportionment case, among other things, said: “It would be unprofitable to cite the numerous instances of the exercise of the original jurisdiction of the court in the cases against different administrative officers of the state and county and other officers relating to the performance of their merely ministerial duties. The cases cited are of both classes,––of mandamus to compel action, and of injunction to restrain it. * * * It has not been contended, nor can it be maintained, that either of these writs can go to control or restrain any public officer in the exercise of a political or discretionary power.” 81 Wis. 493, 51 N. W. Rep. 733. “Inasmuch as the use of the writ of injunction in the exercise of the original jurisdiction of this court is correlative with the writ of mandamus, the former issuing to restrain where the latter compels action, it is plain that this case, as against the respondent, is a proper one for an injunction to restrain unauthorized action by him in a matter where his duties are clearly ministerial and affect the sovereignty, rights, and franchises of the state, and the liberties of the people.” 81 Wis. 504, 51 N. W. Rep. 736. In Colorado, under a similar constitutional provision to ours, and in a mandamus case, where the court approvingly cites several cases from this court, it is said: “Cases of which this court should take original cognizance, directly involving, as in general they must, questions of public right, should be brought in the name of the people. The state or the public being the main party in interest, although individual advantage may be gained, the person instituting the proceeding should appear as relator. It is also eminently fitting that such causes be inaugurated before this court by the attorney general, or with his consent, or, at least, that the refusal of that officer to act be shown. But we do not declare such consent or refusal absolutely necessary. If the main object of the proceedings is to vindicate a public right, to protect the interest of the state in its sovereign character, to prevent the illegal use of a public franchise as against the people generally, or a considerable portion thereof, or if it be to subserve the public interest in any of the other matters heretofore mentioned, a citizen interested could probably institute the proceeding in the name of the people without consulting the attorney general.” Wheeler v. Irrigation Co., 11 Pac. Rep. 107, 9 Colo. 248. Substantially the same view of the question is taken by the supreme court of South Dakota, where the same constitutional provision is in force. Everitt v. Board of County Com'rs, 47 N. W. Rep. 298, and cases there cited. A similar clause in the Michigan constitution, (section 3, art. 6) omits the word “injunction;” and yet in the recent case under the apportionment of that state a private citizen was the relator, and the attorney general appeared for the secretary of state, and it was held that the action was properly brought, even without asking the consent of the attorney general; and it was held that the conduct of the secretary in giving notices of election could be rightfully restrained by mandamus. Giddings v. Blacker, 52 N. W. Rep. 944.
We have not examined, but it seemed to be conceded on the argument that none of the earlier constitutions contained a provision like the clause in question. It is true, counsel cite English cases to the effect that an action for a nuisance or other matter affecting the people generally the same as the complainant, could not be maintained except by and in the name of the attorney general. Baines v. Baker, 1 Amb. 158; Strickland v. Weldon, 28 Ch. Div. 426. But the attorney general in England occupies a very different position than an attorney general in a government like ours. He is appointed by patent authorizing him to hold office during the pleasure of the crown; and he is required, with the aid of others, to manage all legal affairs and suits in which the crown is interested. “He is a necessary party to all proceedings affecting the crown, and has extensive powers of control in matters relating to charities, lunatics' estates, criminal prosecutions, etc.” 3 Enc. Brit. 63. In all such matters he acts as the representative and agent of the crown; and, as its servant, he has for centuries enjoyed high prerogative rights. But the office is not as ancient as that of lord high chancellor, whose supremacy as a separate judicial officer and as keeper of the great seal and the king's conscience became established 200 years before we read of any attorney general. He enjoys high prerogative rights as well as judicial functions. As chancellor, he has for centuries prescribed his own pleadings, his own practice, and his own writs,––including injunction, habeas corpus, prohibition, and ne exeat; and during the same time he has been a great state officer, taking official rank, as the highest civil subject, outside of the royal family and the archbishop of Canterbury, a cabinet minister, who habitually secured the sign manual of the king, a member of the privy council, and the presiding officer in the house of lords. Perhaps there is no better illustration of the English theory of a judiciary dependent, not only upon the will of parliament, but also upon the will of the crown, as expressed through his lord high chancellor and attorney general, than what occurred in respect to the case of Colt v. Bishop of Coventry, Hob. 140b, case 193, tried during the reign of James I. The action involved a mere civil right between private parties in a court of law, but in arguing the case one of the counsel had occasion to deny the power of the king to grant ecclesiastical preferments to be held with a bishopric. The bishop of Winchester, happening to be present, complained to the king, who thereupon consulted his attorney general, Francis Bacon, and “he mentioned a power which, according to the many precedents, the king possessed, of prohibiting the hearing of any cause in which his prerogative was concerned, rege in consulto,––i. e., until he should intimate his pleasure *52 on the matter to the judges;” and it was thereupon resolved that a prohibition should issue, and it did accordingly. But the court proceeded with the trial, and entered judgment. Thereupon the king summoned the judges to appear before him and his lord chancellor and attorney general at Whitehall. Upon their appearance, the king in rage condemned their conduct; whereupon the judges, including Lord Chief Justice COKE, fell upon their knees, and prayed for pardon. The king, turning, not to his attorney general, but to his lord chancellor, or the superior officer, said: “I require you, my Lord Chancellor, [ELLESMERE,] to declare whether I, that am king, or the judges, best understand my prerogative, the law, and the oath of a judge.” Thereupon the lord chancellor said to the king: “With all humility, your majesty will best be advised in this matter by your majesty's counsel, learned in the law, now standing before you.” Bacon responded to the effect that it was for the king, and not for the court, to declare his prerogatives. 1 Camp. Ch. Just. pp. 290–293. Of course, in later years no such inference would be allowed, even in England. It might be interesting to inquire whether the higher rank of the lord chancellor in matters prerogative did not give him the discretionary right to modify and change the forms of petitions, pleadings, and writs in his own court, which had been prescribed by himself or his predecessors, without the consent, or even against the protest, of the attorney general; but it is unnecessary. Wisely, governmental powers in this country are divided between three separate, independent, and co–ordinate departments, each with powers circumscribed and limited by fixed constitutional provisions, ordained and established by the people themselves in their sovereign capacity; and hence no such despotic interference is permissible. It was suggested on the argument by the learned counsel for the defendant that this court possessed the combined powers of the court of king's bench and the court of equity, presided over by the lord high chancellor. But this court has repeatedly disclaimed for itself and for all subordinate tribunals in the state any and all prerogative powers exercised by the chancellor, as keeper of the great seal, and as the representative of the king, except in so far as the same may be incidentally connected with powers and jurisdiction which are strictly judicial, and conferred upon the judiciary by the constitution itself. Ruth v. Oberbrunner, 40 Wis. 238; Heiss v. Murphey, Id. 276; Dodge v. Williams, 46 Wis. 70, 1 N. W. Rep. 92, and 50 N. W. Rep. 1103; Webster v. Morris, 66 Wis. 391, 28 N. W. Rep. 353; Estate of Hoffen, 70 Wis. 522, 36 N. W. Rep. 407; Will of Fuller, 75 Wis. 431, 44 N. W. Rep. 304. The same may be said of every other officer of the state, including the attorney general. The constitution provides that “the powers, duties, and compensation of the treasurer and attorney general shall be prescribed by law.” Section 3, art. 6. The statute provides that it shall be his duty to appear for the state and prosecute or defend all actions and proceedings, civil or criminal, in the supreme court, in which the state shall be interested or a party, and all such civil cases as may be sent or remanded by that court to any circuit court; “and, whenever requested by the governor or either branch of the legislature, to appear for the state, and prosecute or defend in any court or before any officer any cause or matter, civil or criminal, in which the state or the people thereof may be in any wise interested.” He is also required “to perform all other duties imposed upon him by law.” Section 163, subd. 10, Rev. St. There are also several specific duties and powers imposed upon him by the statute, not material here. It will be observed that his duties in this court are thus prescribed directly, while in other courts and before other officers he is required to act “whenever requested by the governor or either branch of the legislature.” It was suggested that the clause of the statute quoted gave to the governor a sort of prerogative control over the conduct of the attorney general; but manifestly such control could not be exercised in opposition to the duties imposed upon the attorney general by the legislature. Besides, the purpose of the clause of the statute quoted was to impose otherwise indefinable duties upon the attorney general, and not to enlarge the powers of the governor. Whatever prerogative powers the governor may have, they can only be such as are incident to his office, and vested in him by the constitution. All prerogative powers not authorized by constitutional provision are held in reserve by the people themselves.
We must hold that the refusal of the attorney general to bring or consent to the bringing of this suit did not prevent this court from rightfully taking jurisdiction of the same upon the relation of a private citizen in the name of the state. This ruling relieves any attorney general from the charge of preventing a suit for an alleged invasion of the sovereignty of the state or the franchises and liberties of its people. The present attorney general certainly has the right to exercise the judgment and discretion vested in him by law in the prosecution of suits in this court as well as other courts.
2. It is contended that this is a mere “political action, * * * to effect a political object,” and therefore cannot be maintained. We may not understand what is here meant by a “political action.” We readily perceive that the determination of an action may have a political effect, and in that sense may effect a political object; but that would not necessarily make the question determined a political, instead of a judicial, question. The determination by the court of the validity of an act of the legislature in organizing a county, town, or municipality, or establishing a new form of town and county government, would undoubtedly have a political effect; but no lawyer, at this date, would contend that the question determined was therefore political, and not judicial. In Attorney General v. Barstow, supra, the late Senator Carpenter contended with much learning and *53 ability that the question involved was purely political, but the court held that it was strictly a judicial question; and the learned counsel for this defendant, with his usual candor, concedes that the court was right; and yet no one will question but what the decision had a political effect. The same was true of the recent case of Boyd v. Nebraska, 143 U. S. 135, 12 Sup. Ct. Rep. 375. President John Adams, in the last days of his administration, appointed Marbury to an office, and caused his commission to be made out, signed, sealed, and authenticated by the then secretary of state, but the same was not delivered when the administration expired, and the new secretary, on taking possession of the office, refused to make such delivery. Marbury thereupon applied to the supreme court of the United States for a mandamus to compel such delivery; and it was contended, as it is here, that the question of such delivery was a political matter for the sole determination of the president and his secretary, and in no sense judicial; and although the court held that it had no original jurisdiction in the case, yet MARSHALL, C. J., in their behalf, declared, in effect, that the question presented was purely judicial, and that the ministerial duty of delivering such commission might be enforced in the inferior court; and the same principle has since been repeatedly sanctioned by the same court. Marbury v. Madison, 1 Cranch, 137.
Counsel for the defendant cites that portion of the opinion of the great chief justice in which he disclaims any right in the court to interfere with any of the discretionary powers vested in the executive and his subordinates; and then asks us to consider the language employed, with the word “legislature” put in the place of “executive.” We cheerfully do so. In fact, we have already, in the recent Apportionment Case, disclaimed any and all right to interfere with any of the discretionary powers of the legislature or of any state officer. Mr. Justice ORTON, in the same case, speaking for the whole court, said: “But it is sufficient that these questions are judicial, and not legislative. The legislature that passed the act is not assailed by this proceeding, nor is the constitutional province of that equal and co–ordinate department of the government invaded. The law itself is the only object of judicial inquiry, and its constitutionality is the only question to be decided.” 81 Wis. 484, 51 N. W. Rep. 730. That was done because in that case, as in this, a learned and able member of the bar contended that the question presented was political, and not judicial; but, after very careful consideration, we unanimously determined that the question presented was strictly judicial, and in no sense political. However unpleasant it may be to be again so soon confronted with the same questions, yet the duty cannot be avoided. In the language of MARSHALL, C. J., “those who fill the judicial department have no discretion in selecting the subjects to be brought before them.” Worcester v. State of Georgia, 6 Pet. 541. So, whatever course other officials may pursue, this court is under a constitutional mandate to proceed in the spirit of the oath which each member has taken, and perform its duty, which was perhaps never more aptly and tersely expressed than by MARSHALL, C. J., when he said: “Judicial power, as contradistinguished from the power of the laws, has no existence. Courts are the mere instruments of the law, and can will nothing. When they are said to exercise a discretion, it is a mere legal discretion, a discretion to be exercised in discerning the course prescribed by law; and when that is discerned it is the duty of the court to follow it. Judicial power is never exercised for the purpose of giving effect to the will of the judge; always for the purpose of giving effect to the will of the legislature; or, in other words, to the will of the law.” Osborn v. Bank, 9 Wheat. 866. In the case at bar the will of the law is the will of the people of the state, as expressed in the organic law of the state. In the last judicial utterance of Chief Justice TANEY he said: “Any legislation by congress beyond the limits of the power delegated would be trespassing upon the rights of the states or the people, and would not be the supreme law of the land, but null and void; and it would be the duty of the courts to declare it so. For whether an act of congress is within the limits of its delegated power or not is a judicial question, to be decided by the courts.” Gordon v. U. S., 117 U. S. 705. As already indicated, the state government is divided by the constitution into three separate, independent, and co–ordinate departments, –– legislative, executive, and judicial. The legislature necessarily precedes each of the others in the making of the laws. The executive department is coordinate with it in carrying the laws so made into execution. The judicial department is co–ordinate with both, in that it is required to construe and determine the validity of such laws and such official action. By each of the three departments keeping strictly within the scope of the powers conferred upon it by the constitution, harmony will prevail, and the government will be respected. Certainly this court will now, as heretofore, scrupulously refrain from exercising any doubtful power; much less transcending the limit of its powers.
3. In granting the motion to strike out the demurrer to the complaint as frivolous, and for judgment, leave was given to the defendant to present for the consideration of the court an answer upon the merits to the complaint. Such answer has been received, and carefully considered. It admits all the material allegations of fact alleged in the complaint. It consists largely of a repetition of statements and suggestions made by counsel upon the argument of the demurrer and motions, and duly considered in disposing of them. Among other things, it alleges, in effect, that the legislature had the discretionary power to apportion and redistrict the state anew, as they did; that in doing so the legislature had given weight and effect to many various considerations, such as that the census of 1890 was inaccurate, and did not by several thousand give to the counties of Chippewa, *54 Florence, Forest, Oneida, Langlade, Price, and Taylor the population to which they were respectively entitled; that those several counties were rapidly increasing in population, while such counties as Adams, Waushara, Green Lake, and Marquette were making but little, if any, increase in population; that the fourth senate district of Milwaukee, with only 30,732 inhabitants, was between the Milwaukee river and the lake shore, extending northerly; that it was more or less distinguished from the residue of the city by the nature of its population and the character of its business interests; that the assessed valuation of the property therein exceeds the average of the other senate districts in that city by nearly $10,000,000; that the inequalities of population in the several senate and assembly districts, in the act in question, were not much different than the proposed bill not adopted, nor the several apportionment bills from 1852 to 1887, inclusive. None of the considerations so alleged are among the requirements prescribed in the constitution. In a recent case, Mr. Justice PINNEY, in part quoting from authorities, among other things, said: “If the act done by the state is legal, is not in violation of the constitution, it is quite out of the power of any court to inquire what was the intention of those who enacted the law. * * * The rule is general, with reference to the enactment of all legislative bodies, that the courts cannot inquire into the motives of the legislators in passing them, except as they may be disclosed on the face of the acts, or inferable from their operation, considered with reference to the condition of the country or existing legislation. The motives of the legislators, considered as the purposes they had in view, will always be presumed to be to accomplish that which follows as the natural and reasonable effect of their enactment; and we must not suppose the legislature to have acted improperly, unadvisedly, or from any other than public motives, under any circumstances, when acting within the limits of its authority.” 81 Wis. 509, 51 N. W. Rep. 738. In other words, in so far as the legislature keeps within the limits of its powers, the motives of its members cannot be inquired into, and its discretion is not a subject for review in the courts; but whenever, and to the extent that, the legislature transcends its powers, it is conclusively presumed that it intended to so transcend the same, and hence parol evidence of good motives or other considerations cannot be allowed to obviate the effect of such unlawful intent. In the same connection he further said: “An issue of fact cannot be framed and tried by a jury or otherwise with a view of determining by its results the validity of an act of the legislature, but the court is to be confined to the matters of which it may take judicial notice; for otherwise a jury might find on the issue one way to–day, and another way tomorrow, and this would beget a distressing condition of uncertainty. * * * It seems to be well established that courts will take judicial notice of a census, whether taken under the authority of the state or United States. * * * The apportionment is to be according to the number of inhabitants, and made at the next session after the state or United States enumeration; and the enumeration is evidently intended as the basis of apportionment. The court will take judicial knowledge of the location, general boundaries, and the juxtaposition of the several counties, towns, and wards mentioned in the act in question, and of matters of common knowledge.” 81 Wis. 510, 51 N. W. Rep. 738. These propositions are there supported by the citation of numerous authorities. See, also, Prieger v. Insurance Co., 6 Wis. 89; Swain v. Comstock, 18 Wis. 463; Woodward v. Railway Co., 21 Wis. 309; Town of Saukville v. State, 69 Wis. 178, 33 N. W. Rep. 88. Thus it is very obvious, under the rulings of this court in the previous case, that it is not permissible for the defendant here to allege and prove that in making the last apportionment the legislature acted upon the theory that the counties of Chippewa, Florence, Forest, Oneida, Langlade, Price, and Taylor contained 12,777 more inhabitants than appears from the census of 1890, for to do so would open the door on the other side to prove that the other counties of the state, or some of them, contained less inhabitants than appears from the census. Besides, if proved, it would only show that the legislature purposely disregarded the standard of population thus conclusively fixed by the constitution, and based their action upon other computations, estimates, or considerations. The same may, in substance, be said in relation to that part of the proposed answer to the effect that the legislature was induced to make the fourth senate district as they did by reason of the excessive wealth therein, and the nature and character of its population and business interests. But, as we shall in another part of this opinion undertake to show, such considerations cannot justify a disregard of the standards of population, fixed in the constitution, in making a senate district out of only 30,732 inhabitants, which is 20,385 less than the unit, and considerably less than one half of either the 9th, the 17th, or the 31st senate district. For the reasons thus substantially stated in the former case, we have rejected the proposed answer.
4. This does not exclude from consideration the several former apportionment acts from 1852 to 1887, inclusive, in so far as they may have any legitimate bearing. In fact, they were freely used on the argument of the demurrer and motions by counsel for the defendant, without any objection. In the former case it was strenuously contended that the constitutional provision requiring assembly districts to be bounded by county, town, or ward lines did not prevent the legislature from crossing county lines in the formations of such districts; and it has been said that such views have been entertained by some men especially learned in grammar and philology. To meet such contention, and on the theory that such constitutional requirement might be regarded as ambiguous *55 and doubtful, Mr. Justice PINNEY traced the history of the provision, (81 Wis. 512–515, 51 N. W. Rep. 730;) and the present chief justice, for the same purpose, considered the former apportionment acts, (81 Wis. 523, 51 N. W. Rep. 741.) If such provision of the constitution was thus ambiguous and doubtful, then such history and former apportionments were entitled to their proper weight in the construction given. If, on the contrary, such provision was not ambiguous nor doubtful, then such history and former apportionments were irrelevant, and without any legal significance in a court of law. This must be so, because it is a well–established rule, recognized by all courts, and applicable to constitutions as well as statutes, that where the language of the instrument is plain and unambiguous, whether it be expressed in general or limited terms, the framers thereof should be intended to mean what they have plainly expressed; and consequently no room is left for construction. Cooley, Const. Lim. (6th Ed.) 69. It is there said by the learned author that “the meaning of the constitution is fixed when it is adopted, and it is not different at any subsequent time when the court has occasion to pass upon it. The object of construction, as applied to a written constitution, is to give effect to the intent of the people in adopting it.” Said MARSHALL, C. J.: “It would be dangerous in the extreme to infer from extrinsic circumstances that a case for which the words of an instrument expressly provide shall be exempted from its operation.” Sturges v. Crowninshield, 4 Wheat. 204; Hanson v. Eichstaedt, 69 Wis. 546, 35 N. W. Rep. 30, and cases there cited. The rule is very tersely stated in Pike Co. v. Rowland, 94 Pa. St. 249, where it is said: “Neither the debates nor supposed views of the people, nor the dictum of this court, nor all combined, can set aside the plain meaning of a constitutional provision; but, if the sense of a clause be doubtful, the contemporaneous understanding is material.” “If the words convey a definite meaning, which involves no absurdity, nor any contradiction of other parts of the instrument, then that meaning apparent on the face of the instrument must be accepted; and neither the courts nor the legislature have the right to add to it or take from it.” Lake Co. v. Rollins, 130 U. S. 670, 9 Sup. Ct. Rep. 651; State v. District Board, 76 Wis. 208, 209, 44 N. W. Rep. 967. Since a constitution is for the very purpose of preventing any enactment contrary to its provisions, it is very certain that the meaning of language therein which is plain and unambiguous can never be perverted, much less destroyed, by long–continued infringement. Assuming, therefore, for the purposes of this case, that the inequality of representation under the last apportionment act is no greater than under former apportionment acts, still the fact is irrelevant and immaterial to the consideration of this case, unless on examination it is found that the language of the constitution securing such equality is ambiguous and doubtful, and a long–continued legislative construction has been given to it.
5. This brings us to the consideration of the validity of the act of July 2, 1892. If this opinion, which has thus far been devoted to preliminary considerations, is unusually long, it is because the defense in this case has been almost wholly devoted to such considerations. The subject of inequality in representation was ably argued and carefully considered in the former case. Mr. Justice ORTON, giving the leading opinion in that case, and speaking for the whole court, among other things said: “But, again, this apportionment act violates and destroys one of the highest and most sacred rights and privileges of the people of this state, guarantied to them by the ordinance of 1787 and the constitution, and that is ‘equal representation in the legislature.’ This also is a matter of the highest public interest and concern to give this court jurisdiction in this case. * * * It is proper to say that perfect exactness in the apportionment according to the number of inhabitants is neither required nor possible. But there should be as close an approximation to exactness as possible, and this is the utmost limit for the exercise of legislative discretion. If, as in this case, there is such a wide and bold departure from this constitutional rule that it cannot possibly be justified by the exercise of any judgment or discretion, and that evinces an intention on the part of the legislature to utterly ignore and disregard the rule of the constitution in order to promote some other object than a constitutional apportionment, then the conclusion is inevitable that the legislature did not use any judgment or discretion whatever. The above disparity in the number of inhabitants in the legislative districts is so great that it cannot be overlooked as mere careless discrepancies or slight errors in calculation. The differences are too material, great, and glaring, and deprive too many of the people of the state of all representation in the legislature, to be allowed to pass as mere errors of judgment. They bear upon their face the intrinsic evidence that no judgment or discretion was exercised, and that they were made intentionally and willfully for some improper purpose, or for some private end, foreign to constitutional duty and obligation. It is not an apportionment, in any sense of the word. It is a direct and palpable violation of the constitution.” 81 Wis. 483, 484, 51 N. W. Rep. 729, 730. In the same case, and after referring to the clause of the ordinance of 1787, giving to the inhabitants the benefits of proportionate representation in the legislature, and the organic act of the territory of Wisconsin providing for an apportionment that should be “as nearly equal as practicable,” Mr. Justice PINNEY said: “Though obsolete, these acts may be properly regarded as in pari materia, and helpful, and of historical value, in construing sections 3–5 of article 4 of the constitution, which came in to take the place of the provisions briefly quoted.” Then, after referring to the language of these constitutional provisions, he further said: “Looking at the scope of these limitations, it is obvious that it was intended to secure in *56 the future that which had been adopted and secured and enjoyed almost from the origin of popular representative government in this country to the time the constitution was adopted,––‘proportionate representation,’ and apportionment ‘as nearly equal as practicable’ among the several counties for the election of members of the legislature, as it had existed in Wisconsin since 1836. The provision of section 3 for an apportionment ‘according to the number of inhabitants' is the exact equivalent of the provisions of the ordinance of 1787 of a ‘proportionate representation of the people in the legislature.’ ” And then, after referring to the veto by Gov. Dewey of the first apportionment bill passed, as not being according to the number of inhabitants, and therefore unconstitutional, and other matters, he further said: “The very great disproportion in the number of in habitants in certain assembly districts mentioned in the opinion of the chief justice must, it seems to me, be regarded as in violation of the mandate of the constitution to apportion members of the assembly according to inhabitants. There is, no doubt, a wide distinction between the exercise of a fair, just, and necessary discretion within the rules of constitutional apportionment. and a gross departure and manifest abandonment and defiance of them; between discretion within certain limits and for certain ends, and an open, obvious, and palpable violation of them.” 81 Wis. 510–512, 518, 51 N. W. Rep. 738, 739. The opinion of the chief justice is devoted to a different question, but in speaking of dividing counties entitled to two or more assemblymen into assembly districts he said: “In making such division, the rules of compactness and numerical equality of population, so far as practicable, are also imposed upon the legislature by the constitution. These latter requirements are largely modified by other constitutional rules, especially the rule which prohibits the dismemberment of towns and wards.” 81 Wis. 530, 51 N. W. Rep. 745. And again: “They [the senate districts] must also be as nearly equal in population as other constitutional requirements will permit.” 81 Wis. 531, 51 N. W. Rep. 745. Thus Mr. Justice ORTON, in giving the leading opinion of the court in the former case, declared the act unconstitutional and void, because the legislature had not apportioned and districted anew the members of the senate and assembly according to the number of inhabitants; and that opinion was supplemented by the other opinions therein filed. That decision is here reaffirmed as the law of the state. The requirement that assembly districts must be as nearly equal in population as the other constitutional provisions will permit is just as applicable to two or more assembly districts in a single county as to an assembly district composed of two or more counties. While the act here in question in the main conforms to those requirements of the constitution which present equality of representation, yet it almost wholly disregards the only constitutional requirement particularly designed to secure such equality as near as practicable. Hence we find one assembly district with only 8,626 inhabitants, while another contains 25,111; and one senate district with only 30,732 inhabitants, while another contains 65,952; and there are numerous other irregularities, though less glaring, yet no less repugnant to the constitution, running through the whole act. No attempt has been made to justify these palpable and unnecessary inequalities of representation upon any constitutional basis, save only that of legislative discretion. Beyond question, the enactment of an apportionment law is an exercise of legislative power, and hence the power to make the same is vested in the senate and assembly. Whatever may have been inferred from what has been said, we believe no lawyer has contended at the bar that such supposed legislative discretion is absolute and unlimited. Had the framers of the constitution intended to give to the legislature absolute and unlimited power in the making of such apportionments, they would simply have required them from time to time to “apportion and district anew the members of the senate and assembly,” and stopped right there, or have said nothing on the subject. This court has repeatedly sanctioned the proposition that our state constitution is not so much a grant as a limitation of powers; and hence that the state legislature has authority to exercise any and all legislative powers not delegated to the federal government, nor expressly or by necessary implication prohibited by the national or state constitution. State v. Forest Co., 74 Wis. 615, 43 N. W. Rep. 551, and cases there cited. Had the constitution, therefore, remained silent as to the number of senators and assemblymen, the census, the apportionment, and the formation of senate and assembly districts, it is quite obvious that the legislature would have possessed the discretionary powers suggested. It was because the framers of the constitution were unwilling to vest such discretionary and unlimited powers in the legislature that they prescribed specific methods, restrictions, and limitations upon the exercise of such powers. Thus the constitution expressly provides that “the number of the members of the assembly shall never be less than fifty–four nor more than one hundred.” Section 2, art. 4. Here is a discretion in the legislature, in making an apportionment or otherwise, to fix the number of assemblymen at 54 or 100, or any number between these figures; but should they attempt to fix the number at only 53 or less, or 101 or more, it is very manifest that the enactment would be a simple nullity, for want of power to make it. So by the same section it is provided that “the senate shall consist of a number not more than one–third nor less than one–fourth of the number of the members of the assembly.” Here is a discretion left in the legislature, but it is limited to the two fractions named, or some intermediate number, but any attempt to constitute a senate of a greater or less number than thus authorized would obviously be repugnant to the constitution and void.
Leaving out matters not relevant here, and section 4 of the same article, as *57 amended, provides that “the members of the assembly shall be chosen biennially, by single districts * * * by the qualified electors of the several districts; such districts to be bounded by county, * * * town, or ward lines, to consist of contiguous territory, and be in as compact form as practicable.” It is obvious from this, that the number of districts must be the same as the number of members; that the qualified electors of each district have power to elect one member, and no more; that neither a town nor a ward can be divided in the formation of an assembly district; so that each town, and the whole of it, must be in some one assembly district, and each ward, and the whole of it, must be in some one assembly district. It was determined in the former case, and is now conceded, that no county line is to be broken in the formation of any assembly district. This section also requires that each assembly district must consist of contiguous territory; that is to say, it cannot be made up of two or more pieces of detached territory. All admit that these several conditions are absolutely binding upon the legislature, and that that body has no power, much less discretion, to dispense with any one of them. It is conceded that the act in question conforms to these several requirements, but it will be observed that no one of these requirements is calculated to secure or aid in securing the equality of representation; on the contrary, their observance must necessarily to a limited extent prevent such equality of representation, so that, unless there are other provisions in the constitution calculated to secure such equality within certain limits, then there is no restriction whatever. It will be observed that the section quoted speaks of “ward lines,” but contains no other reference to cities. From this it is manifest that the framers of the constitution, even at that early day, contemplated that the necessity was likely to arise for dividing up cities by ward lines in the formation of assembly districts, and thus allow smaller factors to enter into the formation of such districts, and to that extent facilitate the equality of representation. Thus, the primary factors of each assembly district are either towns or wards or both; and this is equally true whether the assembly district is wholly within a county, or consists of two or more counties, since each county is subdivided into towns, or towns and wards. The section quoted also provides that each assembly district must “be in as compact form as practicable.” As this clause, to a certain extent, limits legislative discretion, and at the same time and to a certain extent authorizes such discretion, it will be considered in connection with the discretionary powers of the legislature. The constitution provides that the legislature shall, “at their first session after” the prescribed census, either by the state or the United States, “apportion and district anew the members of the senate and assembly, according to the number of inhabitants, excluding Indians not taxed, and soldiers and officers of the United States army and navy.” Section 3, art. 4. Thus it appears that the legislature must not only apportion the members of the senate and assembly “according to the number of inhabitants,” but must also district anew the members of the senate and assembly “according to the number of inhabitants.” The requirement that such apportionment shall be made at the first session of the legislature after the taking of such census very clearly indicates that the census so taken is to be the basis of such apportionment; otherwise the apportionment might as well be made the year prior to the taking of such census as the first session of the legislature thereafter. On this point Mr. Justice PINNEY, in the former case, in effect said, as will appear from a quotation herein, that the apportionment must be based upon such prior census or enumeration. 81 Wis. 510, 51 N. W. Rep. 738. It is here conceded that the total population of the state according to the census of 1890 was 1,686,880; and that if it were possible to secure exact and equal representation upon the basis of that census, the unit of representation of each assembly district would be 16,868. But, as already indicated, it is impossible to secure exact and equal representation, by reason of the constitutional hindrances mentioned; and it is because of such hindrances, and only because of such hindrances, that the legislature, under the constitution, are at liberty to depart from the equality of representation. Hence they are required by that instrument to apportion and district anew the members of the assembly “according to the number of inhabitants,” and in doing so the districts are to “be in as compact form as practicable.” The thing thereby sought to be secured, and in fact secured, is equality of representation, in so far as it is practically attainable, without violating any of the other provisions of the constitution named. And this rule is not only applicable in the formation of a district out of two or more counties, but also to the foration of two or more assembly districts in one county.
In apportioning a county into two or more assembly districts there is necessarily a new unit of representation. The act in question provides for six assembly districts, each made up of one or more counties in the northern portion of the state, containing in the aggregate only 67,849 inhabitants, which is less than four times the unit, and when there is no constitutional impediment to their being grouped together into four districts. In the formation of two or more assembly districts in any one county the legislature have the discretionary power to group towns as they may see fit, and to group wards as they may see fit, or to group towns and wards as they may see fit, provided that in doing so they do not violate any of the provisions of the constitution mentioned. Perhaps this may be made to appear more clearly by an illustration. Dane county contains 35 towns and 2 cities, with an aggregate population, according to the last census, of 59,578. Of these 35 towns, 29 contain less than 1,500 inhabitants each, and 8 of these contain less than a thousand, and only *58 1 exceeds 2,000, and that contains only 2,379. The city of Stoughton contains two wards, with each less than 1,500 inhabitants. Madison has six wards, and the largest contains 2,943 inhabitants. The act in question assigned to this county four members. It is simply impossible to apportion and district Dane county anew “according to the number of inhabitants” contained in it, and have a difference in the districts to exceed a minor fraction of adjoining towns, or adjoining towns and wards; but with the city of Madison all in one district, as it is in the act, there is no constitutional reason for any difference in the remaining districts to exceed 500 or at most a thousand; and yet, as apportioned under the act, there is a difference of 7,233, and this, too, is done at the expense of compactness. Similar views may be regarded as entertained in respect to a large number of counties. In consequence of the very large wards in Milwaukee,––11 of which contain to exceed 10,000 inhabitants each, and 1 of which contains 22,469,––it is more difficult to approximate equality of representation, but it should be done as far as practicable under the restrictions mentioned. Compactness, being of lesser importance, may, to some extent, yield in aid of securing a nearer approach to equality of representation; but in some instances, in the act in question, it is made to yield in aid of securing inequality of representation. Thus in Rock county there are three assembly districts, and there is a difference in two of them of 6,285, when it is quite obvious that minor fractions of adjoining towns do not exceed from 500 to a thousand; and yet the smallest district is entirely surrounded by one of the other district, thus destroying compactness in the outside district. Counsel is undoubtedly right in saying, in effect, that whether the formation of such hollow districts destroys their compactness, within the meaning of the constitution, is simply a question of fact. According to Mr. Webster, MARSHALL, C. J., once said from the bench that “a legislature may alter the law, but no power can reverse a fact.” 2 Webst. Works, 334.
The constitution also requires that “the legislature shall apportion and district anew the members of the senate * * * according to the number of inhabitants.” Section 3, art. 4. The only constitutional impediment to the securing of equality of representation in such senate districts is the requirement that “senators shall be chosen by single districts of convenient contiguous territory, * * * and no assembly district shall be divided in the formation of a senate district.” Section 5, art. 4. The proposed answer alleges that “in the formation of senate districts the legislature is given the discretionary power to compose them of assembly districts containing two, three, or four assembly districts of such numbers and situation as to the said legislature shall seem convenient and proper with reference to the situation of the inhabitants of such districts, and best for a proper representation of the interests of different parts of the state.” This claim goes to the extent of authorizing the legislature, in its discretion, to form a senate district from two of the smaller or four of the larger assembly districts. Here the smallest contains only 8,626 inhabitants, and twice that number would only be 17,252, or only 213 more than one third of the senate unit; whereas the largest contains 25,111 inhabitants, and four times that number would be nearly twice the senate unit. It is true the act in question does not in any instance show such wide disparity in the population of senate disticts; but to here sanction the discretionary power thus claimed is to open the door for its exercise to the maximum by any future legislature. But the present act does go in that direction to the extent of forming one senate district from two assembly districts with an aggregate population of only 30,732, and forming another senate district from four assembly districts with an aggregate population of 65,952. This is a plain disregard of the constitutional mandate, which requires such apportionment to be made “according to the number of inhabitants.” The vice which seems to run through the act in question is in assuming that the only limit to the discretionary power of the legislature in making such apportionment is the major and minor fractions of such units of representation. Thus, the smallest assembly district above mentioned is only 192 above one half of the assembly unit, and the largest assembly district named above lacks only 191 of one and a half of the assembly unit; thus asserting the broad discretionary power in the formation of assembly districts of giving to the inhabitants of the one substantially three times the representative power possessed by those of the other, and in the formation of senate districts of giving to the inhabitants of the one a considerable more than double the representative power possessed by the inhabitants of the other. The constitution gives no warrant to any such fictitious standards, and will bear no such latitudinarious construction. Major and minor fractions of population in towns, wards, counties, and assembly districts are, of course, to be considered in making such apportionments, but they are only to be considered along the lines calculated to secure approximate equality in representation. The theory of major and minor fractions of the units of representation cannot excuse or justify a failure to apportion and district anew “according to the number of inhabitants” in so far as practicable, consistently with the other provisions of the constitution mentioned. It has been said that the court should suggest a plan for such apportionment. But the court now, as heretofore, disclaims any and all legislative functions. Besides, the people in their organic act have themselves devised a plan which is binding upon this court, as well as other officials. That plan, however, can never be legitimately worked out by unknown quantities, in some occult science, along the lines of fictitious standards and extraneous considerations; but may very easily, by obeying the imperative constitutional mandate, *59 observing its fixed standards and resorting to the simple rules of addition, subtraction, and division. Such constitutional mandate and standards cannot be broken down or rendered inoperative on the theory of discretionary power. In speaking of a constitutional provision requiring senators to “be apportioned according to the number of inhabitants,” and after mentioning the impossibility of dividing towns, SHEPLEY, J., in 18 Me. 472, 473, said: “And here also it may be said there must exist a discretion to be exercised by the legislature making an apportionment. That power which a legislative body is compelled to exercise by such a moral necessity cannot properly be considered as discretionary. If, however, it be so designated, it is a discretion like that last named, limited in the same manner, and not subject to be abused. There can be no warrant for the exercise of this kind of discretion, if it may be so called, beyond what is required by the case to be provided for. If the legislature has any other discretion, it is necessarily an unlimited one in practice, however it may be attempted to limit it in theory.” Then, after speaking of such unlimited discretion, he further said: “It is believed that such is the legitimate and practical tendency of admitting any other discretion than that which arises out of an absolute moral necessity.” “When the constitution defines how a right may be exercised, it prohibits the exercise of that right in some other way.” Morris v. Powell, 125 Ind. 281, 25 N. E. Rep. 221. The rule is tersely stated by MARSHALL, C. J., thus: “It is a rule of construction, acknowledged by all, that the exceptions from a power mark its extent; for it would be absurd, as well as useless, to except from a granted power that which was not granted,––that which the words of the grant could not comprehend.” Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat. 191. And again the same chief justice said: “If it be a general rule of interpretation, to which all assent, that the exception of a particular thing from general words proves that in the opinion of the lawgivers the thing excepted would be within the general clause had the exception not been made, we know of no reason why this general rule should not be as applicable to the constitution as to other instruments.” Brown v. Maryland, 12 Wheat. 438. “In expounding the constitution,” said TANEY, C. J., “every word must have its due force and appropriate meaning, for it is evident from the whole instrument that no word was unnecessarily used, or needlessly added.” Holmes v. Jennison, 14 Pet. 571; State v. Car Co., 64 Wis. 105, 23 N. W. Rep. 871. It follows that the constitution requires the legislature to apportion the state into senate and assembly districts “according to the number of inhabitants,” as nearly as it can be done consistently with the other provision of the constitution mentioned. Such constitutional requirements are plain and unambiguous, and hence are not to be regarded as abrogated by any number of legislative violations of them. If, as claimed, there has never been any such equal apportionment in the state, then there certainly has never been any legislative construction of the words quoted; for, in order to give any effect to such construction, the words construed must be ambiguous, and capable of two or more meanings, one of which the legislature has adopted. Where, however, the words are unambiguous, and the legislature has never undertaken to construe them, but simply disregarded them, their action, though often repeated, cannot be allowed to have the effect of pro tanto repealing the constitution.
Judgment has already been entered in accordance with the prayer of the complaint.

WINSLOW, J., (dissenting.)
I cannot agree with my colleagues upon either of the questions which are presented in this action.
First. As to the jurisdiction of the court to entertain the action. The action is an action in equity for an injunction, attempted to be brought by the mere relation of a private citizen to redress a purely public wrong (if in fact there be any wrong) without the presence of the attorney general. The relator suffers no private or individual wrong different from that in which the public shares, and he assumes to maintain an action on behalf of the people, who have never placed in his hands any commission for that purpose. That a private citizen ever possessed any such power to take upon himself, unbidden, the task of redressing the wrongs of the public by an action for injunction, at least until the rendering of this decision, I most strenuously deny. Not that a public wrong cannot be prevented by an injunction in equity. Such power has long been vigorously maintained by the courts of England and America; but it has always been maintained with equal vigor that the remedy must be invoked by the state, through the attorney general, its chosen law officer, and that a private citizen could not, of his own motion, constitute himself the self–elected champion of the people, and stride into the legal arena declaring, “I am the state,” and challenge public officials to justify their acts. The authorities on the subject of the action in equity by injunction to prevent wrongs of a purely public nature were fully and exhaustively reviewed by Chief Justice RYAN in Attorney General v. Railroad Co., 35 Wis. 425, and I could not hope to add anything to that exceedingly luminous discussion of the authorities, even had I the time at my disposal to attempt the task. It is true that the exact point here under discussion was not in issue in that case, because the action was there brought by the attorney general; but the review of the authorities there made shows that the question is not open to discussion. It is there treated as a settled question. The learned chief justice says, on page 526: “We cannot state the rule better than by taking it from the excellent work of Mr. Brice, so recently given to the profession. Under many circumstances, the court of chancery has, on public grounds, jurisdiction to prevent corporations acting *60 in various ways, or contrary to the intent for which they have been created. The public, however, must be represented in all applications relating to such matters, and this is done by the intervention of the attorney general. No single person, whether a member of the corporation in question or not, is able on his own account, and of his own motion, to call upon the court to interfere for his special protection.” Again, on page 527, he quotes with approval the language of KINDERSLEY, V. C., as follows: “Whenever the interests of the public are damnified by a company established for any particular purpose by act of parliament, acting illegally and in contravention of the powers conferred upon it, I conceive it is the function of the attorney general to protect the interests of the public by information.” Also on page 543 he quotes with approval the following language of the supreme court of Pennsylvania in the case of Buck Mountain Coal Co. v. Lehigh Co., 50 Pa. St. 91: “It is plain, therefore, that a private individual may not, in the absence of a special right or special authority, vindicate the public for breach of duties owing to her alone. * * * It may not be out of place to add that we have no doubt but the remedy by a bill for an injunction, sued out on the part of the commonwealth by the attorney general, would lie against a company to compel them to observe their charter obligations.” The chief justice further says, on page 529: “The jurisdiction is now clearly defined as having two branches; one on behalf of the state for public wrong, and the other on behalf of private persons for private wrong, arising from an excess or abuse of corporate franchises. Relief against public wrong is confined to informations by the attorney general.” The language of Chief Justice GIBSON of Pennsylvania in the case of Com. v. Burrell, 7 Pa. St. 34, is especially happy upon this point. He says: “The commonwealth has her own chosen officer for the protection of her own rights, (and the rights of the whole community are what constitute public rights or the rights of the commonwealth,) and, as she has not explicitly allowed his office to be assumed by any one who may please to try his hand at the business of prosecution as self–constituted locum tenens, we dare not assume the power to allow it.” It seems entirely clear to me that, according to the universal practice of the English and American courts of chancery, an action like the present, to prevent a purely public wrong, must be brought by information in equity, filed by the attorney general on behalf of the public. The public suffers the wrong; the public must bring the action to redress it.
But it is claimed that because by our constitution the writ of injunction has been classed with the purely prerogative common–law writs, like mandamus, quo warranto, etc., and has thus acquired the nature of a prerogative writ, some change has necessarily taken place in the manner of its use. Not so, however; no such change is indicated in the constitution nor in our statutes, and the very decision which settled the status of the writ as a quasi prerogative writ––i. e., Attorney General v. Railway Co.––contains the following apt and sensible remarks on this very question: “It is therefore plain that the original jurisdiction of this court is both legal and equitable, within certain limits,––legal for the use of the common–law writs; equitable for the use of the chancery writ. The use of the former must be according to the course of common–law courts; the use of the latter, according to the course of courts of equity; in each case subject to statutory modifications of the practice, which do not impair the jurisdiction granting them.” Neither the suggestion in State v. Baker, 38 Wis. 71, nor the opinion in State v. Doyle, 40 Wis. 175, help the relator's position in this action in the least. These were applications for the true prerogative writs of quo warranto and mandamus, respectively, which are purely common–law writs. As indicated by Chief Justice RYAN, their use must be according to the course of the common–law courts. It seems to be a fact that these common–law writs were often issued by the common–law courts on relation of a private citizen to enforce a public right; but the injunction was a remedy applied only by the court of chancery according to its own rules, and one of those rules was that in matters of purely public right it must be sued out by the attorney general. I think I can say confidently that no case or authority can be found to the contrary of this doctrine. I am gratified also to know that my views upon this question seem to have been shared as recently as March last by my colleagues on this bench. In the former case of State v. Cunningham, 81 Wis. 440, 51 N. W. Rep. 724, Mr. Justice ORTON said, upon page 471, 81 Wis., and page 726, 51 N. W. Rep.: “As a preliminary question, it has already been decided that this case could not be brought by a private relator, because no one has any private interest in the subject–matter. The matters being exclusively publici juris, the case must be brought by the attorney general on his own relation, representing the whole state and the people thereof. This is the form and title in which the case now stands in this court, and in which it must be sustained, if at all.” And Mr. Justice PINNEY, on page 487, 81 Wis., and page 731, 51 N. W. Rep., was even more emphatic: “The suit is one instituted in this court in the name of the state by the attorney general, upon leave granted, in relation to a matter of public concern, involving the rights and liberties of the people of the state, concerning matters strictly publici juris, and in which no one citizen has any special or peculiar right or interest to be protected or vindicated other than that which is common to citizens in general, and in relation to which no private person can have or maintain an action, and no suit or proceeding can be maintained save in the name of the state, prosecuted by the attorney general.” And Mr. Justice CASSODAY said that the decision was in full accord with his judgment. It is to be remembered, also, that in the case in which these opinions were written application was first made by a private *61 relator for leave to bring the action, so that the remarks above quoted must have been made advisedly. My views are the same now as then upon the proposition, but the views of my associates seem to have changed.
However, if this were the only point upon which I differed with the decision of the majority of the court, I should write no opinion, but content myself with a smiple dissent. But my views as to the merits of the action are totally at variance with those of my colleagues, and to that question I address myself. In the former case of State v. Cunningham, 81 Wis. 440, 51 N. W. Rep. 724, it was held that the apportionment act of 1891 was invalid, because it violated a positive command of the constitution, namely, the command that county lines should not be broken in the formation of assembly districts. As to the correctness of that decision I have no doubt. But that question is not before us now. The controlling question in this case is whether the law is unconstitutional because of the disparity of population between the districts formed by it. In the case just cited it was said by Mr. Justice PINNEY, in the course of his opinion, with reference to this very question: “Whether this court can declare an act of apportionment void in such cases is a question not material to the decision of this case, and which will require further discussion and consideration, and need not be now determined.” In these views I concurred. The question thus suggested is now presented. Every law passed by the legislative branch of the government and approved by the executive is presumed to be constitutional. Every intendment is in its favor. It is not to be lightly set aside. It should be sustained, unless it is clearly in violation of the constitution; and it is frequently said that its unconstitutionality must appear beyond all reasonable doubt. These are fundamental principles. I approach the consideration of this question, therefore, feeling that the law should be sustained if possible, and this feeling is the stronger because a decision adverse to the law declares unconstitutional every previous apportionment, and brands every legislature which ever assembled at the seat of government since 1852 as merely a de facto legislature; for it is a fact that all previous apportionments contain greater relative differences in population than the one before us. One would naturally desire to be very sure of his ground before announcing such a conclusion. Let us examine the constitutional provisions which are claimed to be violated by this law. The first requirement is that the apportionment shall be made according to population. This requirement was, of course, intended to secure substantial equality of representation. If it stood alone, without other requirements the argument would bestrong that practically absolute equality in the population of districts was intended. But there are other requirements equally binding, which, to a greater or less degree, must necessarily seriously interfere with the idea of absolute equality in districts; in fact, render it impossible. In case of assembly districts, these other requirements are (1) that no county, town, or ward line shall be broken; (2) that the districts shall consist of contiguous territory; and (3) that they shall be in as compact form as practicable. In case of senate districts, (1) that no assembly district be divided; (2) that the territory of the district be convenient and contiguous.
No argument is required to show that these additional constitutional commands render impossible anything approaching absolute numerical equality in districts. If county lines cannot be broken, great disparity in population in districts is unavoidable. Take an example. Suppose the unit of assembly representation to be 16,000. Given two counties containing respectively 39,000 and 25,000 inhabitants. The first county has two entire units and a minor fraction, so it will be entitled to but two assemblymen; the second county has one unit and a major fraction, which entitles it to two assemblymen. Thus, if these two counties be divided exactly evenly, 19,500 inhabitants will elect an assemblyman in one county while 12,500 will elect an assemblyman in the other county, but it could not be said that any rights of any citizen had been violated. So it is evident, also, that the requirement of compactness is liable to interfere seriously with numerical equality. And in the case of senate districts it is equally evident that the constitution cannot mean absolute equality. The senate district must be composed of entire assembly districts. There are now 33 senate districts and 100 assembly districts. If the assembly districts be equal, or nearly so, and three are assigned to each senate district, there will be one senate district, composed of four assembly districts; and the numerical difference between this last–named district and the others would be substantially the assembly unit. Thus the very terms of the constitution demonstrate the impossibility of equality in either senate or assembly districts. It is evident that the term “according to population” means “as near as reasonably practicable,” in view of the other requirements. It is evident also that there must be a latitude of action in regard to population if the requirement as to compactness is to have any effect. This is certain, because if the districts are to be divided so as to give the nearest possible approach to equality, compactness must necessarily be disregarded. Who, then, is to judge of what degree of equality of numbers is reasonably practicable? And who is to judge of the compactness which is practicable? Manifestly the legislature, upon whom the duty of apportionment is imposed. Here, then, is evidently a latitude of action. Here, within limits which no one can precisely define or lay down, is a discretion to be exercised, not by this court, but by the legislature. The very fact, also, that the duty of apportionment is imposed on the legislature, a body which in the highest degree is charged with the exercise of judgment and discretion, in its acts, is a strong implication that discretion is intended to be exercised. If it were simply a question of addition *62 and division, a board of arithmeticians would answer the purpose far better. There is, therefore, in my judgment, a discretion here which, with the terms of the constitution alone before us, is evidently quite large; a discretion which any court should hesitate long before interfering with. I say it is evident on the face of the constitution itself that a large discretion necessarily exists in the legislature with reference to the matter of population, but we have light on the subject other than that furnished by the words of the constitution. It is a cardinal principle of the law with reference to the construction of statutes, the meaning of which is in any way doubtful, that contemporaneous, long–continued, and open construction of the statute in a certain manner by the officers or bodies charged with the duty of executing it is of great weight in judging of the proper construction, and such practical construction is often controlling. This principle has been fully recognized by this court in Scanlan v. Childs, 33 Wis. 663, and Harrington v. Smith, 28 Wis. 43. That the same principle is applicable to the construction of a constitution, which is simply the highest law of the state, is unquestionable. Commissioners v. Miller, 7 Kan. 479. In judging, therefore, of the latitude or discretion which the legislature is given by the constitution with regard to the population of districts, we are entitled to examine into and consider the construction which was contemporaneously placed upon these constitutional provisions. In this investigation we are peculiarly fortunate, because the same body which framed the constitution and laid down the rules of apportionment incorporated into the constitution also an apportionment of the state, which remained in force until 1852.
Now, I know it will be said that the constitution makers were not bound by the constitutional requirements in making their apportionment, and that they might, if they chose, violate the rules which they laid down for the control of the legislature; and I freely grant the soundness of the proposition. But to my mind it is not within the bounds of reason nor probability to suppose that an earnest body of men, assembled for the purpose of laying the foundation of the new commonwealth, should lay down a code of fundamental rules intended to guard the rights of the citizen in his voting power for all time, and in the next breath should deliberately violate those rules, and declare that for a number of years that part of the constitution should be nullified. Nor do I find anything in the debates of the convention which indicates that the members ever thought they were making an apportionment in violation of constitutional rules. I entertain no doubt that this first apportionment made by the framers of the constitution was intended to be made under the rules which the constitution laid down. Any other view seems to me a severe imputation upon the character of the fathers of the state. I regard it as a practical exposition of the constitution by the makers of that instrument themselves, and as such entitled to the greatest weight in judging of the extent of that undefined latitude or discretion which was intended to be allowed as to population of districts. As such, let us briefly examine it. The population of the territory was a little more than 210,000. The number of assemblymen provided for was 66, and of senators 19. The assembly unit of population was nearly 3,200, the senate unit 11,000. The largest assembly district was Green county, which had a population of 6,487, or more than twice the unit; and the smallest district was Calumet county, with a population of 1,060, or about one third of the unit; and between these two extremes the whole gamut of population was run through in the other districts So the largest senate district was Waukesha county, with a population of 15,866, an excess of nearly one half the unit, and the smallest district was formed of Crawford, Chippewa, St. Croix, and La Pointe counties, with a population of 3,450, or about one third the unit; and between these extremes ranged the other districts. Again, counties were not given their proportionate number of members. Thus, Racine county, with a population of 19,539, and entitled clearly to 6 members, received but 5, while Rock county, with a population of 14,729, also received 5. Again, where counties were awarded more than one assemblyman, the division of the county was not always made in accordance with the county unit of population. An example of this occurs in Milwaukee county, where the country towns are divided into three assembly districts, with populations, respectively, of 2,156, 2,948, and 3,620. By an obvious rearrangement, whereby compactness is not sacrificed, the districts might have been made 2,784, 2,807, and 3,133. Other instances could undoubtedly be found, but I forbear. I have cited enough to show that the constitution makers evidently considered that there was a wide latitude or discretion allowable as to population. It was natural that when the constitutional convention had thus set the example, and given a practical construction to the instrument, the legislature should follow the path so marked out, and so we find the fact to be. The first legislative apportionment was made in 1852; the next in 1856; and they have been made every five years since that time. In 1852 the units of representation were nearly the same, and the assembly districts varied in population from 963 to 8,566, the senate districts from 4,104 to 19,138, while many counties received less than the number of assemblymen which the population entitled them to. In 1856 the assembly districts ran from 2,423 to 9,272, the unit being 5,521; and the senate districts ran from 7,558 to 34,540, the unit being 18,403. In 1861 the assembly districts ran from 3,119 to 15,682, the unit being 7,758; and the senate districts ran from 13,170 to 34,154, the unit being 23,511. In 1866 the assembly districts ran from 5,199 to 14,841, the unit being 8,683; and the senate districts ran from 12,667 to 42,029, the unit being 26,313. In 1871 the assembly districts ran from 5,855 to 23,611, the unit being 10,546; and the senate districts ran *63 from 14,570 to 46,941, the unit being 31,959. It is unnecessary to follow the remaining apportionments. They are substantially like those above cited; they all show the exercise of a wide latitude as to relative population of districts; they all follow the lead of the constitutional apportionment. The present apportionment divides the state far more nearly according to population than any one of the previous apportionments since the state was born. Now, I do not wish to be misunderstood. I am not claiming that because previous legislatures have violated the constitution the legislature of 1892 may do so with impunity. I fully understand that no prescriptive right to break a constitutional command can be acquired. I am simply claiming that it is apparent that the constitution confers a discretion on the legislature as to the population of districts, a discretion whose limits are undefined, and that in considering the limits of such discretion, contemporaneous, long–continued, and unchallenged construction by the legislature is of great weight. Here we have a practical construction placed upon the constitutional requirement by the constitution makers themselves. We have also 40 years of practical construction by the legislature following the constitutional construction, unchallenged until now; and I believe it should prevail. If it does prevail, then the law before us is unquestionably valid.
Considerable stress was laid upon the fact that under the act in question, where counties contained more than one assembly district, the county was not divided as nearly equally in point of population as possible. A considerable number of instances of this kind were commented upon. It was claimed that in such case a new unit should be obtained, and the districts made to conform as nearly as practicable to that new unit in population. What I have said as to the legislative discretion applies to a considerable extent upon this question. The limitations of contiguity and compactness interfere with equality of population, and the 40–years practical construction is equally emphatic in its tendency to prove that no inflexible rule of this kind is laid down by the constitution. It is very evident also that it would be very undesirable in some cases to divide a county as absolutely even as possible. Take the case of Racine county, for instance. The city contains a population of 21,014 by the last census, and the country towns a population of 15,254. The city, by this law, was made one assembly district, and the country another. Now, here was a disparity of nearly 6,000 between these two districts; but is it not manifest that the county will probably be better represented and the voters better satisfied by this arrangement than by detaching wards from the city and adding them to the country district? Any man with any experience knows that the attaching of city wards to a country district is apt to produce discord and dissatisfaction. The city has its peculiar interests, and the country has its interests, and they generally conflict. A map was presented, showing how the county could be divided into two districts with almost exact equality of population. By this map the first and second wards of the city were detached from the city and added to the country towns. The fantastic shape of the proposed district would rival that of the original district from which it is said the word “gerrymander” is derived. No one would say that any good end could be subserved by such a carving of the city. Now, I do not contend that these remarks apply to all the districts of which complaint is made. They do apply to some extent to the Janesville district, and to the Eau Claire district; but there are undoubtedly disparities in the divisions of counties for which no particular reason appears on the face of the map. With regard to such instances, it is clear to me that the legislative discretion is a wide one as to numbers; that they may consider things such as the community of interest, facility of communication, the general topography, the rapidity with which population is increasing, and many other things which this court cannot know, and with which it has nothing to do. This court cannot take evidence as to these outside considerations, but I have no doubt of the power of the legislature, in the exercise of its discretion, to consider them. Such considerations were urged in the constitutional convention in making the first apportionment, and it is clear that they were acted upon, and that variations in populations of districts were thus produced. In any event, the differences within county lines are not sufficient, it seems to me, to authorize any court, in view of our constitutional and legislative history, to set aside the law, and leave the state with no apportionment.
A few general observations, and I leave the subject. I fear we are entering upon a period of judicial apportionments. This is the second law which has been attacked within a few months in this court. After the decision on the first law, the legislature was reconvened, and the present law enacted. Now this law is attacked, and the court holds it void, and points out in its opinion wherein the constitution is violated. Presumably another session of the legislature will be held, and another attempt will be made to pass an apportionment law in accordance with the opinion of the court. This also may be attacked by some enterprising citizen, who steps into court with his private counsel, and relates to the court the burning wrongs of some of his fellow citizens in a far distant county, who are all unconscious of the outrages inflicted on their rights as citizens. Again the court will pass upon the questions raised, and inform the legislature wherein the law must be corrected. By the time this process has been repeated several times more, it will be a serious question whether the law finally resulting is the offspring of the legislature or of the court. Has not the legislature acted simply as the recorder of the decrees of the court? Has not its discretion vanished, and been supplanted by the discretion of the court? Has not the court in fact made the law, and thus invaded the province *64 of its co–ordinate branch of the government? Truly I think these queries must be answered in the affirmative, and, if so, the grave nature of this decision is apparent. The court has assumed to itself legislative power. It has practically substituted its discretion for the legislative discretion. No essay on our form of government is necessary to show that an encroachment by one branch of the government on the proper powers of one of its co–ordinate branches is a greater evil than the evil of gerrymandering. I am not by any means defending gerrymandering. I recognize it as an evil, although I am inclined to think that its bad effects are generally overestimated. I think there are very few, if any, instances where political power has been retained by the minority for any length of time by means of the gerrymander. But, however this may be, the question presented now is not whether the gerrymander is an evil, but what are the limits of the discretion which the legislature may constitutionally exercise in forming legislative districts?
This opinion has been written at intervals, amid the press of exacting and onerous judicial duties. The writer is aware that it is not a complete discussion of the questions involved in this important case, nor was it intended to be such a discussion. It was simply intended as a statement of the grounds upon which the writer feels compelled to dissent. Holding the views which are here indicated, it has seemed to me my imperative duty to place on record this earnest though unavailing protest.

All Citations

83 Wis. 90, 53 N.W. 35, 17 L.R.A. 145, 35 Am.St.Rep. 27

Footnotes

Const. art. 4, § 3, provides: “The legislature shall provide by law for an enumeration of the inhabitants of the state in the year 1855, and at the end of every ten years thereafter; and at their first session after such enumeration, and also after each enumeration made by the authority of the United States, shall apportion and district anew the members of the senate and assembly, according to the number of inhabitants. * * *” Section 4 provides: “The members of the assembly districts shall be chosen annually by single districts, * * * by the qualified electors of the several districts, such districts to be bounded by county, precinct, town, or ward lines, to consist of contiguous territory, and to be in as compact form as practicable.” Section 5 provides: “The senators shall be chosen by single districts of convenient contiguous territory, at the same time, and in the same manner, as members of the assembly are required to be chosen; and no assembly district shall be divided in the formation of a senate district * * *”
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