Black | White | Total | % Black | % White | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
District 1 | 8,998 | 4,315 | 13,377 | 67.2 | 32.3 |
District 2 | 6,103 | 7,592 | 13,745 | 44.4 | 55.2 |
District 3 | 4,210 | 9,194 | 13,344 | 31.5 | 68.8 |
District 4 | 10,246 | 3,203 | 13,515 | 75.8 | 23.7 |
DISTRICT | TOTAL POP. | WHITE POP. | BLACK POP. | % WHITE | % BLACK |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
ONE | 10,796 | 3,871 | 6,512 | 35.8 | 60.3 |
TWO | 10,773 | 6,853 | 3,521 | 63.6 | 32.6 |
THREE | 10,886 | 7,493 | 3,285 | 68.8 | 30.1 |
FOUR | 10,904 | 848 | 9,781 | 7.7 | 89.7 |
FIVE | 10,622 | 5,140 | 5,442 | 48.3 | 51.2 |
[One] must consider the fact that [Dallas County] is a very highly polarized electorate; that the analyses that I have previously performed show that overwhelmingly blacks vote for black candidates in black versus white contests and whites overwhelmingly vote for white candidates in black versus white contests. Therefore, in the context of such polarization the ability of whites to muster [votes] at the polls means that whites through their solid voting are going to be able to elect a white candidate in [an at-large] district and it would be extremely difficult for blacks to elect a black candidate of their choice in such a district.
In my view ... even if it were part of the single-member district plan, a district with a black overall population of 54.6 percent and a black voting age population of 49.8 percent would not constitute ... a swing district for the reasons I have already explained in terms of the differences in socio-economic standing of whites and blacks which, of course, translate into differences in the ability of the two races to muster votes at the polls in the context of polarized voting we have in Dallas County. I would consider such a district, even if it were part of a plan, not to be a swing district but to be basically a district in which whites are going to have the ability to elect candidates of their choice.
(Total | (Black | |
---|---|---|
Pop.) | Pop.) | (% Black) |
10,455 | 7,571 | 72.4% |
10,481 | 7,334 | 70.0% |
11,101 | 6,800 | 61.3% |
11,480 | 4,013 | 35.0% |
10,464 | 3,770 | 36.0% |
The Court is at odds to understand, however, what true distinction lies between a swing district of 61.3% black majority carved geographically out of a county, and a single-member countywide district of 59.4% black majority, beyond a possible change in the identity of the candidate occasioned merely by the candidate's particular residence. Surely, a 1.9% difference between these two forms of a black majority swing district cannot constitute a statistically significant difference.
DISTRICT | TOTAL POP. | WHITE | BLACK |
---|---|---|---|
1 | 13,377 | 35.7% | 63.2% |
2 | 13,745 | 55.2% | 44.4% |
3 | 13,344 | 68.8% | 31.5% |
4 | 13,515 | 20.2% | 78.8% |
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